Tuesday, December 23, 2008
France releases Rwandan official
Rose Kabuye's arrest sparked anger among Rwandans
The French authorities say they will allow detained Rwandan government official Rose Kabuye to travel back to Rwanda for a holiday over Christmas.
She was arrested last month in Germany at France's request under an international warrant.
The French accuse the former Tutsi rebel commander of taking part in the 1994 killing of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana.
His death was the spark for the Rwandan genocide of some 800,000 people.
Ms Kabuye, the chief of protocol for current Rwandan President Paul Kagame, has repeatedly protested her innocence.
Free woman
She was already on bail but she could not move out of France - these conditions have now been changed so that she can return to Rwanda.
She is a free woman and she is coming home
Tharcisse Karugarama, Rwandan Justice Minister
After the ruling was made, Rwandan Justice Minister Tharcisse Karugarama said she would be proven innocent and declared:
"The international arrest warrant will no longer be applied, she is a free woman and she is coming home.
"The information I have is that her initial appearance will be on 10 January next year. She will travel there on that date," he said.
Ms Kabuye was detained on arrival at Frankfurt airport in Germany in November following an arrest warrant issued by a French judge.
Her arrest sparked anger in Rwanda, with large protests by people asking for her immediate release.
She is one of nine senior Rwandan officials wanted over the shooting down of Habyarimana's plane.
President Kagame's Tutsi-led Rwanda Patriotic Front - a rebel group at the time, now the ruling party - has always strongly denied responsibility.
The RPF insists that the plane was shot down by Hutu extremists to give them a pretext to attack ethnic Tutsis and moderates.
Correspondents say Ms Kabuye, a former RPF guerrilla has heroic status in Rwanda.
She has served as an MP and mayor of the capital Kigali, and is one of President Kagame's closest aides.
Rwanda genocide suspect home goes for Christmas
The Associated PressPublished: December 23, 2008
KIGALI, Rwanda: A senior Rwandan official arrested in Europe in connection with the death of Rwanda's former president will be allowed to fly home for Christmas, the government said Tuesday.
In Germany, federal prosecutors announced that another Rwandan, a town mayor, was arrested Monday on suspicion of genocide.
The senior official, Rose Kabuye — chief of protocol for current President Paul Kagame — was detained in Germany Nov. 9 and later transferred to France. She is held in connection with the shooting down of a plane carrying Rwanda's former president Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994, The assassination sparked 100 days of genocide that killed more than 500,000 people.
French authorities are investigating the attack because Habyarimana's two pilots were French. A judge authorized her Christmas leave. Rwandan justice minister Tharcisse Karugarama says Kabuye will return to Rwanda on Wednesday and return to Paris on Jan. 10 to appear before a French judge.
"The government of Rwanda considers this development a step in the right direction," a Rwandan government statement said. ... "Outstanding arrest warrants against Rwandan officials should be nullified, as there is no need to arrest and humiliate individuals who have never been asked and refused to cooperate with justice."
In a separate development, a former Rwandan mayor suspected of involvement in the central African country's genocide was arrested.
The 51-year-old man, identified only by the initials O.R., was arrested in the Frankfurt area on Monday, federal prosecutors said.
They said the man is a Hutu who served in 1994 as the mayor of a municipality in northern Rwanda and allegedly called for, led and coordinated killings of Tutsis. In particular, he is believed to have been involved in a massacre at Nyarubuye in mid-April 1994, prosecutors said.
The Rwandan government did not comment on his arrest.
More than 500,000 minority Tutsis and political moderates from the Hutu majority were killed in the slaughter, which was organized by the extremist Hutu government then in power. Government troops, Hutu militia and ordinary villagers spurred on by hate messages broadcast over the radio went from village to village, butchering men, women and children.
German federal prosecutors said the 51-year-old former mayor was previously arrested in Frankfurt in April on a Rwandan extradition request, but was released again in early November after judicial authorities decided that they could not extradite him.
German prosecutors said his second arrest was based on information that they gleaned in their own investigation, begun in March. They did not elaborate.
KIGALI, Rwanda: A senior Rwandan official arrested in Europe in connection with the death of Rwanda's former president will be allowed to fly home for Christmas, the government said Tuesday.
In Germany, federal prosecutors announced that another Rwandan, a town mayor, was arrested Monday on suspicion of genocide.
The senior official, Rose Kabuye — chief of protocol for current President Paul Kagame — was detained in Germany Nov. 9 and later transferred to France. She is held in connection with the shooting down of a plane carrying Rwanda's former president Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994, The assassination sparked 100 days of genocide that killed more than 500,000 people.
French authorities are investigating the attack because Habyarimana's two pilots were French. A judge authorized her Christmas leave. Rwandan justice minister Tharcisse Karugarama says Kabuye will return to Rwanda on Wednesday and return to Paris on Jan. 10 to appear before a French judge.
"The government of Rwanda considers this development a step in the right direction," a Rwandan government statement said. ... "Outstanding arrest warrants against Rwandan officials should be nullified, as there is no need to arrest and humiliate individuals who have never been asked and refused to cooperate with justice."
In a separate development, a former Rwandan mayor suspected of involvement in the central African country's genocide was arrested.
The 51-year-old man, identified only by the initials O.R., was arrested in the Frankfurt area on Monday, federal prosecutors said.
They said the man is a Hutu who served in 1994 as the mayor of a municipality in northern Rwanda and allegedly called for, led and coordinated killings of Tutsis. In particular, he is believed to have been involved in a massacre at Nyarubuye in mid-April 1994, prosecutors said.
The Rwandan government did not comment on his arrest.
More than 500,000 minority Tutsis and political moderates from the Hutu majority were killed in the slaughter, which was organized by the extremist Hutu government then in power. Government troops, Hutu militia and ordinary villagers spurred on by hate messages broadcast over the radio went from village to village, butchering men, women and children.
German federal prosecutors said the 51-year-old former mayor was previously arrested in Frankfurt in April on a Rwandan extradition request, but was released again in early November after judicial authorities decided that they could not extradite him.
German prosecutors said his second arrest was based on information that they gleaned in their own investigation, begun in March. They did not elaborate.
Un Rwandais accusé de génocide à nouveau arrêté en Allemagne
BERLIN (AFP) - 23/12/2008 15h13
Un Rwandais soupçonné de participation au génocide de 1994, arrêté en Allemagne sur mandat international émis par le Rwanda puis relâché le 5 novembre, a été de nouveau incarcéré lundi, sur mandat allemand, a annoncé mardi le parquet général fédéral allemand.
Onesphore Rwabukombe, un Hutu de 51 ans, "est fortement soupçonné d'assassinats et de génocide (...) au détriment des membres de l'éthnie Tutsi", selon un communiqué du parquet général fédéral.
Le suspect a déjà été incarcéré de juillet à novembre, jusqu'à ce qu'un tribunal de Francfort ordonne sa remise en liberté. Les juges avaient tiré les conséquences d'une décision du 8 octobre de la chambre d'appel du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) selon laquelle les conditions d'un procès équitable pour génocide au Rwanda n'étaient garanties pour aucun accusé.
M. Rwabukombe est l'ancien maire de Muvumba. Kigali l'accuse d'avoir ordonné et participé à des massacres de Tutsis, principales victimes du génocide qui a fait 800.000 morts en 1994, selon l'ONU.
En novembre, pour la même raison, le tribunal de Francfort avait également remis en liberté Callixte Mbarushimana, un des dirigeants en exil des Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR), mouvement hutu rebelle basé dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo.
Mais le 18 décembre, le procureur général fédéral a lancé un nouveau mandat d'arrêt basé sur "les propres informations dont dispose le parquet fédéral", selon un communiqué de ce dernier.
Le suspect, arrêté lundi dans la région Francfort, a été présenté devant un juge qui l'a placé sous mandat de dépôt, selon ce communiqué, qui précise que les motifs ne peuvent être dévoilés pour l'instant. La justice allemande enquêtait sur lui depuis mars, a-t-on indiqué de même source
Le 9 novembre, les autorités allemandes avaient arrêté, toujours à Francfort, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye avait été transférée à Paris où elle avait été placée sous contrôle judiciaire après avoir été inculpée pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Paris la recherchait dans le cadre de l'enquête sur l'attentat contre le président Habyarimana en 1994, qui a déclenché le génocide. Mme Kabuye a été autorisée lundi à retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
© 2008 AFP
Un Rwandais soupçonné de participation au génocide de 1994, arrêté en Allemagne sur mandat international émis par le Rwanda puis relâché le 5 novembre, a été de nouveau incarcéré lundi, sur mandat allemand, a annoncé mardi le parquet général fédéral allemand.
Onesphore Rwabukombe, un Hutu de 51 ans, "est fortement soupçonné d'assassinats et de génocide (...) au détriment des membres de l'éthnie Tutsi", selon un communiqué du parquet général fédéral.
Le suspect a déjà été incarcéré de juillet à novembre, jusqu'à ce qu'un tribunal de Francfort ordonne sa remise en liberté. Les juges avaient tiré les conséquences d'une décision du 8 octobre de la chambre d'appel du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) selon laquelle les conditions d'un procès équitable pour génocide au Rwanda n'étaient garanties pour aucun accusé.
M. Rwabukombe est l'ancien maire de Muvumba. Kigali l'accuse d'avoir ordonné et participé à des massacres de Tutsis, principales victimes du génocide qui a fait 800.000 morts en 1994, selon l'ONU.
En novembre, pour la même raison, le tribunal de Francfort avait également remis en liberté Callixte Mbarushimana, un des dirigeants en exil des Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR), mouvement hutu rebelle basé dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo.
Mais le 18 décembre, le procureur général fédéral a lancé un nouveau mandat d'arrêt basé sur "les propres informations dont dispose le parquet fédéral", selon un communiqué de ce dernier.
Le suspect, arrêté lundi dans la région Francfort, a été présenté devant un juge qui l'a placé sous mandat de dépôt, selon ce communiqué, qui précise que les motifs ne peuvent être dévoilés pour l'instant. La justice allemande enquêtait sur lui depuis mars, a-t-on indiqué de même source
Le 9 novembre, les autorités allemandes avaient arrêté, toujours à Francfort, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye avait été transférée à Paris où elle avait été placée sous contrôle judiciaire après avoir été inculpée pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Paris la recherchait dans le cadre de l'enquête sur l'attentat contre le président Habyarimana en 1994, qui a déclenché le génocide. Mme Kabuye a été autorisée lundi à retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
© 2008 AFP
Rwanda: une partie civile "estomaquée" par le retour à Kigali de Rose Kabuye
23.12.08 | 13h13
L'avocat d'Agathe Habyarimana, veuve du président rwandais assassiné en avril 1994, a indiqué mardi à l'AFP que sa cliente était "estomaquée" par l'autorisation accordée par la justice française à Rose Kabuye de retourner à Kigali pour les fêtes.
"Ma cliente est estomaquée par cette décision qui est contraire à ce qui se pratique habituellement dans ce type d'instruction", a déclaré à l'AFP Me Philippe Meilhac.
"Ainsi, la seule personne mise en cause dans ce dossier est autorisée à retourner au Rwanda où elle aura tout loisir de discuter avec les autres personnes visées par la procédure", a constaté l'avocat en ajoutant que sa cliente en vient "à douter de la volonté de la justice de vouloir arriver à la vérité".
"La partie civile a du mal à comprendre ce qui se passe. Elle se demande si dans trois mois, le contrôle judiciaire de Mme Kabuye ne va pas être purement et simplement levé. On est très pessimiste", a ajouté Me Meilhac en regrettant que cette "volte-face opérée pour des raisons diplomatiques se fasse sur le dos des parties civiles".
Rose Kabuye, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame mise en examen et placée sous contrôle judiciaire dans l'enquête sur l'attentat contre le président Habyarimana en 1994, a été autorisée lundi à retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
"C'est une décision qui prend en considération la situation humaine dans laquelle se trouve ma cliente et qui montre que la justice peut fonctionner efficacement tout en étant modérée", s'est félicité l'un de ses avocat, Me Léon-Lef Forster, en précisant que Mme Kabuye, est tenue de revenir en France le 10 janvier.
"Au niveau du gouvernement, nous nous en réjouissons mais ce n'est qu'une étape vers la justice qui lui est due", a commenté à Kigali la ministre rwandaise de l'Information et porte-parole du gouvernement, Louise Mushikiwabo.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, avait été interpellée le 9 novembre en Allemagne et transférée à Paris où elle avait été mise en examen par le juge antiterroriste Marc Trévidic pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Le juge la soupçonne d'avoir pris part à l'attentat le 6 avril 1994 contre l'avion du président rwandais Juvénal Habyarimana, signal déclencheur d'un génocide qui a fait selon l'ONU environ 800.000 morts, essentiellement parmi la minorité tutsie. Elle nie les faits qui lui sont reprochés, selon ses avocats.
Présentée à un juge des libertés et de la détention (JLD), elle a été laissée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire avec notamment l'interdiction de quitter la France sans autorisation.
L'avocat d'Agathe Habyarimana, veuve du président rwandais assassiné en avril 1994, a indiqué mardi à l'AFP que sa cliente était "estomaquée" par l'autorisation accordée par la justice française à Rose Kabuye de retourner à Kigali pour les fêtes.
"Ma cliente est estomaquée par cette décision qui est contraire à ce qui se pratique habituellement dans ce type d'instruction", a déclaré à l'AFP Me Philippe Meilhac.
"Ainsi, la seule personne mise en cause dans ce dossier est autorisée à retourner au Rwanda où elle aura tout loisir de discuter avec les autres personnes visées par la procédure", a constaté l'avocat en ajoutant que sa cliente en vient "à douter de la volonté de la justice de vouloir arriver à la vérité".
"La partie civile a du mal à comprendre ce qui se passe. Elle se demande si dans trois mois, le contrôle judiciaire de Mme Kabuye ne va pas être purement et simplement levé. On est très pessimiste", a ajouté Me Meilhac en regrettant que cette "volte-face opérée pour des raisons diplomatiques se fasse sur le dos des parties civiles".
Rose Kabuye, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame mise en examen et placée sous contrôle judiciaire dans l'enquête sur l'attentat contre le président Habyarimana en 1994, a été autorisée lundi à retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
"C'est une décision qui prend en considération la situation humaine dans laquelle se trouve ma cliente et qui montre que la justice peut fonctionner efficacement tout en étant modérée", s'est félicité l'un de ses avocat, Me Léon-Lef Forster, en précisant que Mme Kabuye, est tenue de revenir en France le 10 janvier.
"Au niveau du gouvernement, nous nous en réjouissons mais ce n'est qu'une étape vers la justice qui lui est due", a commenté à Kigali la ministre rwandaise de l'Information et porte-parole du gouvernement, Louise Mushikiwabo.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, avait été interpellée le 9 novembre en Allemagne et transférée à Paris où elle avait été mise en examen par le juge antiterroriste Marc Trévidic pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Le juge la soupçonne d'avoir pris part à l'attentat le 6 avril 1994 contre l'avion du président rwandais Juvénal Habyarimana, signal déclencheur d'un génocide qui a fait selon l'ONU environ 800.000 morts, essentiellement parmi la minorité tutsie. Elle nie les faits qui lui sont reprochés, selon ses avocats.
Présentée à un juge des libertés et de la détention (JLD), elle a été laissée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire avec notamment l'interdiction de quitter la France sans autorisation.
Kigali se félicite du retour de Rose Kabuye pour les fêtes
23.12.08 | 15h55
Le gouvernement rwandais s'est dit satisfait mardi de la décision de la justice française de laisser Rose Kabuye, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame mise en examen et placée sous contrôle judiciaire en France, retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
"Au niveau de gouvernement, nous nous en réjouissons mais ce n'est qu'une étape vers la justice qui lui est due", a déclaré à l'AFP à Kigali la ministre rwandaise de l'Information et porte-parole du gouvernement, Louise Mushikiwabo.
Le ministère de l'Information rwandais a précisé mardi dans un communiqué que "Mme Kabuye était attendue à Kigali mercredi 24 décembre dans l'après-midi".
"Nous maintenons que c'est une femme innocente qui a été arrêtée en violation des conventions internationales", a poursuivi la ministre en exigeant une fois de plus "un procès rapide, juste et équitable" pour Mme Kabuye.
"Pour des raisons familiales, nous avions demandé à ce que Mme Kabuye puisse se rendre à Kigali pour la période des fêtes", avait expliqué à l'AFP lundi soir l'un de ses avocat, Me Léon-Lef Forster, annonçant que cette demande avait été acceptée par les juges après un avis favorable du parquet.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, avait été interpellée le 9 novembre en Allemagne et transférée à Paris où elle avait été mise en examen par le juge antiterroriste Marc Trévidic pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Le juge la soupçonne d'avoir pris part à l'attentat le 6 avril 1994 contre l'avion du président rwandais de l'époque Juvénal Habyarimana, un Hutu, signal déclencheur d'un génocide qui a fait selon l'ONU environ 800.000 morts, essentiellement parmi la minorité tutsi. Rose Kabuye nie les faits qui lui sont reprochés, selon ses avocats.
Présentée à un juge des libertés et de la détention (JLD), elle avait été laissée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire avec notamment l'interdiction de quitter la France sans autorisation.
Le gouvernement rwandais s'est dit satisfait mardi de la décision de la justice française de laisser Rose Kabuye, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame mise en examen et placée sous contrôle judiciaire en France, retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
"Au niveau de gouvernement, nous nous en réjouissons mais ce n'est qu'une étape vers la justice qui lui est due", a déclaré à l'AFP à Kigali la ministre rwandaise de l'Information et porte-parole du gouvernement, Louise Mushikiwabo.
Le ministère de l'Information rwandais a précisé mardi dans un communiqué que "Mme Kabuye était attendue à Kigali mercredi 24 décembre dans l'après-midi".
"Nous maintenons que c'est une femme innocente qui a été arrêtée en violation des conventions internationales", a poursuivi la ministre en exigeant une fois de plus "un procès rapide, juste et équitable" pour Mme Kabuye.
"Pour des raisons familiales, nous avions demandé à ce que Mme Kabuye puisse se rendre à Kigali pour la période des fêtes", avait expliqué à l'AFP lundi soir l'un de ses avocat, Me Léon-Lef Forster, annonçant que cette demande avait été acceptée par les juges après un avis favorable du parquet.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, avait été interpellée le 9 novembre en Allemagne et transférée à Paris où elle avait été mise en examen par le juge antiterroriste Marc Trévidic pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Le juge la soupçonne d'avoir pris part à l'attentat le 6 avril 1994 contre l'avion du président rwandais de l'époque Juvénal Habyarimana, un Hutu, signal déclencheur d'un génocide qui a fait selon l'ONU environ 800.000 morts, essentiellement parmi la minorité tutsi. Rose Kabuye nie les faits qui lui sont reprochés, selon ses avocats.
Présentée à un juge des libertés et de la détention (JLD), elle avait été laissée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire avec notamment l'interdiction de quitter la France sans autorisation.
Sunday, December 21, 2008
Nagui FAM
Nagui présente "Tout le monde veut prendre sa place" et "Taratata".
Alexandrie-Paris alller simple vers les médias
Nagui FAM, dit Nagui, est né le 14 novembre 1961 à Alexandrie (Egypte), d'un père égyptien et d'une mère française, tous les deux professeurs de français. Il passe ses premières années à Alexandrie, 3 ans à Aix en Provence, 2 ans au Canada et aux USA et enfin vient s'installer à Cannes, région dans laquelle il fera ses débuts. En juin 1979; son baccalauréat C en poche, il entame une fac de Sciences à Nice (Deug B) puis 2 ans de prépa HEC à Paris.
L'intégralité de sa vie professionnelle concerne les médias.
Il est présentateur de radio, puis, parallèlement présentateur et producteur de télévision.
En janvier 1993, il crée sa société AIR PRODUCTIONS, afin de produire l'émission TARATATA pour France 2. Il est Gérant de cette société et actionnaire unique depuis le début.
En 1994, il crée la filiale IMAGE ON AIR, d'abord avec une société partenaire (IMAGE FACTORY). En 1997 AIR PRODUCTIONS achète à cette société les parts qu'elle détenait dans IMAGE ON AIR et Nagui FAM en devient le Président.
Des radios "libres" à RTL: parcours sans faute.
Il fait ses débuts à "Radio Vintimille Internationale" pendant l'été 1979.
- 1979/1980 : "Radio Continentale" (FM pirate dans le Sud Est)
- Juin 80 à Juin 81 : "Radio Midi" (FM pirate dans le Sud Est)
- Juin 81 à Août 82 : "Radio galère" qu'il monte avec ses amis à Cannes
- Octobre 82 à Nov 85 : "Radio France Côte d'Azur"
- Nov 85 à Mars 86 : "Radio France Provence"
- Mai 86 à Mai 87 : "95.2 FM"
- Juin 87 : "Chic FM"
- Depuis le 15 février 1988 : Entrée à RTL
- Février 88 à juin 88 : "RTL an 2000" de 20 h à 21h
- Septembre 88 à juin 89 : "Satell Hits" de 20 h à 21h30
- Septembre 89 à Juin 90 : "Challeng Hits" de 19h à 20h30
"Satell hits" de 20h30 à 21h pendant la semaine
"Studio 22" le samedi de 18h30 à 20h
- Septembre 90 à Août 91 : "Génération laser" de 19h à 21h
"Studio 22" le samedi de 18h30 à 20h
- Septembre 91 à Juillet 93 : "Départ immédiat" le vendredi de 8h30 à 10h
"Studio 22" le samedi de18h30 à20h
- Septembre 93 à Juin 94 : "Le Cékoidon" de10h à 11h
- Depuis septembre 94 : "Malice aux pays des merveilles" de 8h30 à10h du lundi au jeudi
- Sur Europe 2 depuis Septembre 2006
De la musique et des jeux: Nagui sur France2.
- Juillet 92 à septembre 95 : "Que le meilleur gagne" - France 2 animée par Nagui (Bi-quotidienne - 12h30 et 19h20)
- Janvier 93 à juin 96 : "Taratata" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Hebdomadaire - 2éme partie de soirée)
- Octobre 93 à décembre 93 : "Ovations" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Mensuelle - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Février 94 : "Les victoires de la musique" & " les 7 d'or" - France 2
Co-animateur (Emissions exceptionnelles - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Septembre 94 à juin 96 : "N'oubliez pas votre brosse à dents" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Mensuelle - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Février 95 : "Les victoires de la musique" - France 2
Co-animateur (Emission exceptionnelle - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Juin 95 à Février 96 : "MirOir mon beau mirOir" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Mensuelle - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Septembre 96 à juin 97 : "Taratata" - France 2 animée par Alexandra Kazan et produite par Nagui (Hebdomadaire - 2ème partie de soirée)
- Avril 98 : "Sidaction 98, Fête l'amour" - France 2 produite par Nagui
(Spéciale - 22h30)
- Septembre 98 : "Hymne à Piaf" - France 2 produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 20h50)
- Septembre 98 : "Ophélie de folie" - France 2 produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 22h30)
- Novembre 98 : "Y'a quoi à la télé?" - France 2 animée par Thierry Beccaro et produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 20h50)
- 20 et 27 décembre 98 : "Le monde est merveilleux" - France 2 animée par Antoine et produite par Nagui (Dimanche - 2ème partie de soirée)
- Janvier 99 : "Starmania, Miss Saigon, Notre-Dame de Paris... et les autres" - France 2 Documentaire produit par Nagui
- Avril 99 : "Taratata Symphonique n°1" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 20h50)
- Novembre 99 : "Taratata Symphonique n°2" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 20h50)
- Janvier 2001 à Avril 2001 : "Tutti Frutti" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui
- De Déc 01 à Déc 02 : "Le Numéro Gagnant" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui
- De Juillet à Août 2002 : "Slap" - France 2 produite par Nagui
- 27 décembre 2003 : "Prix Constantin" - France 2 animé par Nagui
- 17 janvier 2004 : "le coffre" - France2 animé par Nagui.
- 25 décembre 2004 : "Encore + libre" - France 2
- 28 décembre 2004 : "Ça va être votre fête" - France 2 - animé par Nagui
- 2005 : "Taratata" - France 3, France 4 - animé par Nagui
- été 2005 : "Intervilles" - France 2
- 2006 : "Tout le monde veut prendre sa place" et "Y'en aura pour tout le monde" - France 2
- Palmarès des chansons : 28/04/2006
- fin 2006 : Retour de Taratata sur France 2
PETA Names Oprah Its "Person of the Year"
PETA Names Oprah Its "Person of the Year"
Dec 20, 2008 09:48 AM ET
by Adam Bryant
Continuing her way toward total world domination, talk-show queen Oprah Winfrey has been named "Person of the Year" by People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals.
Winfrey was selected for using her talk show to bring light to issues important to the Norfolk, Va.-based animal rights group's mission, with episodes that have, for example, focused on puppy mills and the treatment of chickens and other animals in factory farms. Winfrey also went on a vegan diet for a week, and in April, dedicated an episode of her show to her late cocker spaniel Sophie, who died at age 13.
Winfrey has "used her powerful voice to defend those without one," PETA president Ingrid Newkirk said in a statemement. Winfrey, who was unavailable for comment, according to The Associated Press, will receive a plaque and a letter of appreciation.
Previous winners of the PETA award include U.S. Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia in 2007 and the founders of the San Francisco-based cleaning product company Method in 2006.
EALA Common Market public hearing sets for next week
BY IRENE V. NAMBI
Sunday, 21st December 2008
The East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) is set to conduct public Hearings on the East African Community (EAC) Common Market on Monday, 22 December 2008 at Prime Holdings, Kimihurura.
According to Aime Uwase, the Director of planning in the Ministry of East African Community, the workshop will among other things hear issues and general concerns of the civil society, private sector, academics, politicians and government officials as representatives of the people of East Africa.
The decision by the regional parliamentarians to conduct the hearings emerged earlier this month during the just-concluded EALA session in Kampala, Uganda.
“They want to gather views of people in different sectors so that they too can contribute to the integration process. So far, we have had different negotiations on the common market issue and reports will help us finalise the protocol,” Uwase said.
The Common Market Protocol is one of the main stages towards the regional integration process and the Public Hearings will gather views of the general public on the salient issues that they would like the Common Market protocol to address.
The realisation of the Common Market – which is expected to be in place by the beginning of 2010 – will pave way for the ultimate East African Political Federation.
The Public Hearings will be conducted simultaneously in all the five partner States of the East African Community by members of the assembly.
In accordance with Article 76 of the treaty, a common market shall be established to ensure the free movement of labour, goods, services, capital and the right of establishment.
As a prerequisite to the establishment of the common market, the protocol needs to be completed. Apparently, negotiations are still underway and there is need for all stakeholders to be involved in the process.
The public hearings therefore identify and explain key issues and policy options that should guide negotiations on the common market protocol.
The EALA comprises of 45 elected members, 9 from each of the five partner States; 10 members who include ministers responsible for EAC Affairs and their Deputies, the Secretary General of the Community and the Counsel to the Community.
Ends
Sunday, 21st December 2008
The East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) is set to conduct public Hearings on the East African Community (EAC) Common Market on Monday, 22 December 2008 at Prime Holdings, Kimihurura.
According to Aime Uwase, the Director of planning in the Ministry of East African Community, the workshop will among other things hear issues and general concerns of the civil society, private sector, academics, politicians and government officials as representatives of the people of East Africa.
The decision by the regional parliamentarians to conduct the hearings emerged earlier this month during the just-concluded EALA session in Kampala, Uganda.
“They want to gather views of people in different sectors so that they too can contribute to the integration process. So far, we have had different negotiations on the common market issue and reports will help us finalise the protocol,” Uwase said.
The Common Market Protocol is one of the main stages towards the regional integration process and the Public Hearings will gather views of the general public on the salient issues that they would like the Common Market protocol to address.
The realisation of the Common Market – which is expected to be in place by the beginning of 2010 – will pave way for the ultimate East African Political Federation.
The Public Hearings will be conducted simultaneously in all the five partner States of the East African Community by members of the assembly.
In accordance with Article 76 of the treaty, a common market shall be established to ensure the free movement of labour, goods, services, capital and the right of establishment.
As a prerequisite to the establishment of the common market, the protocol needs to be completed. Apparently, negotiations are still underway and there is need for all stakeholders to be involved in the process.
The public hearings therefore identify and explain key issues and policy options that should guide negotiations on the common market protocol.
The EALA comprises of 45 elected members, 9 from each of the five partner States; 10 members who include ministers responsible for EAC Affairs and their Deputies, the Secretary General of the Community and the Counsel to the Community.
Ends
LRA kill 2 in South Sudan ambush
GRACE MATSIKO
Kampala
In an apparent revenge attack following military raids on their territories, suspected Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels have killed two civilians in South Sudan, a regional official has said.
The Deputy Governor of the Western Equatoria state, Joseph Ngere told Sudan Tribune, a Sudanese online daily publication on Friday, suspected LRA rebels killed two youths in an ambush at Tore, an area on the South Sudan-Democratic Republic of Congo border on Thursday.
“The deputy governor Ngere said there are growing fears in Western Equatoria state that the fighting may spill over to the state,” the Sudan Tribune quoted the governor as saying.
Uganda, DR Congo and the semi-autonomous South Sudan last Sunday launched joint military strikes in an operation codenamed ‘Lightning Thunder’ against the LRA rebels who have been holed up in north-eastern Congo’s Garamba forests since 2005.
But the statement by Governor Ngere on the attack could be a signal that, though the LRA may have been displaced from its bases as a result of last Sunday’s air strikes, the reclusive rebel leader Joseph Kony’s will to forment mischief is not yet over.
Last Sunday’s strike had the stated objective of applying pressure on Kony to sign the Final Peace Agreement negotiated with the Uganda government since 2006. The operation’s commander, Brig. Patrick Kankiriho has said they wanted to “break Kony’s back”.
However, emerging information suggests that the rebels may have been tipped-off before the attack, meaning the onslaught hit empty encampments and ultimately appears to have failed in its primary objective.
Thursday’s ambush at Tore is the one consequence of military action that political leaders in northern Uganda had warned about, saying the LRA could mount retaliatory strikes, forcing their people who have enjoyed relative peace back into the crowded internally displaced persons camps.
Meanwhile, the LRA peace delegation chairman, Mr. David Nyekorach Matsanga said by telephone yesterday, he could not confirm or deny the attack. He promised to verify the information from military commanders on the ground.
“As far we are concerned we are ready for peace not fighting,” Mr Matsanga said. “If there is ceasefire, it will enable our troops to re-assemble in Rii-kwangba, the designated assembly point,” he added.
Mr Matsanga told Sunday Monitor yesterday, they have not closed the door to peace efforts but will no longer allow South Sudan’s semi-autonomous government to chair any talks. Until last Sunday, South Sudan Vice President, Dr Riek Machar, was chief mediator to the Juba peace process.
“I have spoken to LRA and they are asking for cessation of hostilities. They are however saying future negotiations cannot take place in Sudan because the Sudan People’s Liberation Army participated in the raids,” Mr Matsanga said.
When contacted the spokesman for the UPDF troops deployed in the DRC, Capt. Chris Magezi said they have not heard of the attack.
“We are not aware of that,” Capt. Magezi said via satellite telephone link from Dungu yesterday.
Sunday Monitor has separately learnt that the army has stepped up its vigilance in West Nile. Before Operation Lightning Thunder, the army had repeatedly said they have secured Uganda’s borders against possible infiltration by the LRA, a terror group that for years has used panga’s, among other weapons, to kill and maim their victims.
Up to two million Ugandans were at one time internally displaced in northern Uganda as result of the insurgency.
The Governor of Central Equatoria state, which covers the provincial capital of Juba, Major General Clement Wani Konga, on Monday warned of imminent attacks by the LRA rebels in the region.
The UPDF said military strikes on Kony’s bases were necessary to force the elusive rebel leader to sign a peace deal. Kony has thrice failed to show up at the signing venue since at various since the beginning of this year.
Meanwhile, Sunday Monitor has established that the UPDF have established their second tactical headquarters at Camp Swahili, the former LRA headquarters, inside the Garamba forests that were occupied by the troops this week.
Between September 17 and October 4, sources in Monuc, the UN mission in DR Congo, say the LRA attacked 10 villages and abducted of between 100 and 200 people, as well as killing up to a 100 others. The attacks displaced over 70,000 people.
Kampala
In an apparent revenge attack following military raids on their territories, suspected Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels have killed two civilians in South Sudan, a regional official has said.
The Deputy Governor of the Western Equatoria state, Joseph Ngere told Sudan Tribune, a Sudanese online daily publication on Friday, suspected LRA rebels killed two youths in an ambush at Tore, an area on the South Sudan-Democratic Republic of Congo border on Thursday.
“The deputy governor Ngere said there are growing fears in Western Equatoria state that the fighting may spill over to the state,” the Sudan Tribune quoted the governor as saying.
Uganda, DR Congo and the semi-autonomous South Sudan last Sunday launched joint military strikes in an operation codenamed ‘Lightning Thunder’ against the LRA rebels who have been holed up in north-eastern Congo’s Garamba forests since 2005.
But the statement by Governor Ngere on the attack could be a signal that, though the LRA may have been displaced from its bases as a result of last Sunday’s air strikes, the reclusive rebel leader Joseph Kony’s will to forment mischief is not yet over.
Last Sunday’s strike had the stated objective of applying pressure on Kony to sign the Final Peace Agreement negotiated with the Uganda government since 2006. The operation’s commander, Brig. Patrick Kankiriho has said they wanted to “break Kony’s back”.
However, emerging information suggests that the rebels may have been tipped-off before the attack, meaning the onslaught hit empty encampments and ultimately appears to have failed in its primary objective.
Thursday’s ambush at Tore is the one consequence of military action that political leaders in northern Uganda had warned about, saying the LRA could mount retaliatory strikes, forcing their people who have enjoyed relative peace back into the crowded internally displaced persons camps.
Meanwhile, the LRA peace delegation chairman, Mr. David Nyekorach Matsanga said by telephone yesterday, he could not confirm or deny the attack. He promised to verify the information from military commanders on the ground.
“As far we are concerned we are ready for peace not fighting,” Mr Matsanga said. “If there is ceasefire, it will enable our troops to re-assemble in Rii-kwangba, the designated assembly point,” he added.
Mr Matsanga told Sunday Monitor yesterday, they have not closed the door to peace efforts but will no longer allow South Sudan’s semi-autonomous government to chair any talks. Until last Sunday, South Sudan Vice President, Dr Riek Machar, was chief mediator to the Juba peace process.
“I have spoken to LRA and they are asking for cessation of hostilities. They are however saying future negotiations cannot take place in Sudan because the Sudan People’s Liberation Army participated in the raids,” Mr Matsanga said.
When contacted the spokesman for the UPDF troops deployed in the DRC, Capt. Chris Magezi said they have not heard of the attack.
“We are not aware of that,” Capt. Magezi said via satellite telephone link from Dungu yesterday.
Sunday Monitor has separately learnt that the army has stepped up its vigilance in West Nile. Before Operation Lightning Thunder, the army had repeatedly said they have secured Uganda’s borders against possible infiltration by the LRA, a terror group that for years has used panga’s, among other weapons, to kill and maim their victims.
Up to two million Ugandans were at one time internally displaced in northern Uganda as result of the insurgency.
The Governor of Central Equatoria state, which covers the provincial capital of Juba, Major General Clement Wani Konga, on Monday warned of imminent attacks by the LRA rebels in the region.
The UPDF said military strikes on Kony’s bases were necessary to force the elusive rebel leader to sign a peace deal. Kony has thrice failed to show up at the signing venue since at various since the beginning of this year.
Meanwhile, Sunday Monitor has established that the UPDF have established their second tactical headquarters at Camp Swahili, the former LRA headquarters, inside the Garamba forests that were occupied by the troops this week.
Between September 17 and October 4, sources in Monuc, the UN mission in DR Congo, say the LRA attacked 10 villages and abducted of between 100 and 200 people, as well as killing up to a 100 others. The attacks displaced over 70,000 people.
Mugabe vows not to reverse Zimbabwe farm seizures
Sun 21 Dec 2008, 8:31 GMT
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
BINDURA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday he would not allow a unity government to reverse his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farmland and giving it to blacks.
Speaking at his ZANU-PF party's annual conference, Mugabe said that while he hoped the opposition would agree to form a coalition government, he would not compromise on policies such as land seizures, which critics say wrecked Zimbabwe's economy.
"We don't want a unity which is retrogressive," Mugabe told about 6,000 ruling party supporters at this town about 80 km (50 miles) north of the capital Harare.
"The biggest issue is of land ... the land has already been given to the people, it will not be returned to whites."
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai agreed three months ago to form a coalition government after disputed elections, but the pact has stalled as they fight over who should control key ministries.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe has sunk deeper into crisis: hyperinflation means prices double every day and a cholera epidemic has killed more than 1,100 people.
Mugabe has threatened to form a government with or without the MDC, which complains the president is trying to relegate it to a junior role.
Investors hope a unity government would wrest enough control from Mugabe to reverse the policies they blame for the meltdown, and avert total collapse in Zimbabwe. Mugabe blames Western sanctions for the crisis.
UNTILLED FARMLAND
Under the September 15 deal, land that was seized from white farmers and now lies dormant would not be returned, but would be redistributed to black farmers with the resources and skills to cultivate it.
In a sign of Zimbabwe's collapse -- and its potential -- the conference took place in a town that once relied on mining for its economic lifeblood. Those mines have recently been shut.
ZANU-PF officials earlier said the party was likely to vote on a resolution on Saturday urging Mugabe urgently to form a government unilaterally -- a move that would probably finish off the power-sharing pact.
Resolutions were being discussed behind closed doors and it was not immediately clear whether the motion had been passed.
In elections last March, ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980. Tsvangirai boycotted a run-off presidential vote in June, citing violence against his supporters.
Western countries and some African leaders have renewed calls in recent weeks for Mugabe, 84, to step down.
But, a day after vowing never to "surrender", Mugabe railed against his foes, saying the West wanted to topple him.
"Mugabe must go before Bush is going?" he said, referring to U.S. President George W. Bush, who leaves office in January. "Is it a ritual now that Bush with his political death must be accompanied by some African from
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
BINDURA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday he would not allow a unity government to reverse his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farmland and giving it to blacks.
Speaking at his ZANU-PF party's annual conference, Mugabe said that while he hoped the opposition would agree to form a coalition government, he would not compromise on policies such as land seizures, which critics say wrecked Zimbabwe's economy.
"We don't want a unity which is retrogressive," Mugabe told about 6,000 ruling party supporters at this town about 80 km (50 miles) north of the capital Harare.
"The biggest issue is of land ... the land has already been given to the people, it will not be returned to whites."
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai agreed three months ago to form a coalition government after disputed elections, but the pact has stalled as they fight over who should control key ministries.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe has sunk deeper into crisis: hyperinflation means prices double every day and a cholera epidemic has killed more than 1,100 people.
Mugabe has threatened to form a government with or without the MDC, which complains the president is trying to relegate it to a junior role.
Investors hope a unity government would wrest enough control from Mugabe to reverse the policies they blame for the meltdown, and avert total collapse in Zimbabwe. Mugabe blames Western sanctions for the crisis.
UNTILLED FARMLAND
Under the September 15 deal, land that was seized from white farmers and now lies dormant would not be returned, but would be redistributed to black farmers with the resources and skills to cultivate it.
In a sign of Zimbabwe's collapse -- and its potential -- the conference took place in a town that once relied on mining for its economic lifeblood. Those mines have recently been shut.
ZANU-PF officials earlier said the party was likely to vote on a resolution on Saturday urging Mugabe urgently to form a government unilaterally -- a move that would probably finish off the power-sharing pact.
Resolutions were being discussed behind closed doors and it was not immediately clear whether the motion had been passed.
In elections last March, ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980. Tsvangirai boycotted a run-off presidential vote in June, citing violence against his supporters.
Western countries and some African leaders have renewed calls in recent weeks for Mugabe, 84, to step down.
But, a day after vowing never to "surrender", Mugabe railed against his foes, saying the West wanted to topple him.
"Mugabe must go before Bush is going?" he said, referring to U.S. President George W. Bush, who leaves office in January. "Is it a ritual now that Bush with his political death must be accompanied by some African from
Mugabe vows not to reverse Zimbabwe farm seizures
Sun 21 Dec 2008, 8:31 GMT
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
BINDURA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday he would not allow a unity government to reverse his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farmland and giving it to blacks.
Speaking at his ZANU-PF party's annual conference, Mugabe said that while he hoped the opposition would agree to form a coalition government, he would not compromise on policies such as land seizures, which critics say wrecked Zimbabwe's economy.
"We don't want a unity which is retrogressive," Mugabe told about 6,000 ruling party supporters at this town about 80 km (50 miles) north of the capital Harare.
"The biggest issue is of land ... the land has already been given to the people, it will not be returned to whites."
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai agreed three months ago to form a coalition government after disputed elections, but the pact has stalled as they fight over who should control key ministries.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe has sunk deeper into crisis: hyperinflation means prices double every day and a cholera epidemic has killed more than 1,100 people.
Mugabe has threatened to form a government with or without the MDC, which complains the president is trying to relegate it to a junior role.
Investors hope a unity government would wrest enough control from Mugabe to reverse the policies they blame for the meltdown, and avert total collapse in Zimbabwe. Mugabe blames Western sanctions for the crisis.
UNTILLED FARMLAND
Under the September 15 deal, land that was seized from white farmers and now lies dormant would not be returned, but would be redistributed to black farmers with the resources and skills to cultivate it.
In a sign of Zimbabwe's collapse -- and its potential -- the conference took place in a town that once relied on mining for its economic lifeblood. Those mines have recently been shut.
ZANU-PF officials earlier said the party was likely to vote on a resolution on Saturday urging Mugabe urgently to form a government unilaterally -- a move that would probably finish off the power-sharing pact.
Resolutions were being discussed behind closed doors and it was not immediately clear whether the motion had been passed.
In elections last March, ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980. Tsvangirai boycotted a run-off presidential vote in June, citing violence against his supporters.
Western countries and some African leaders have renewed calls in recent weeks for Mugabe, 84, to step down.
But, a day after vowing never to "surrender", Mugabe railed against his foes, saying the West wanted to topple him.
"Mugabe must go before Bush is going?" he said, referring to U.S. President George W. Bush, who leaves office in January. "Is it a ritual now that Bush with his political death must be accompanied by some African from
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
BINDURA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday he would not allow a unity government to reverse his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farmland and giving it to blacks.
Speaking at his ZANU-PF party's annual conference, Mugabe said that while he hoped the opposition would agree to form a coalition government, he would not compromise on policies such as land seizures, which critics say wrecked Zimbabwe's economy.
"We don't want a unity which is retrogressive," Mugabe told about 6,000 ruling party supporters at this town about 80 km (50 miles) north of the capital Harare.
"The biggest issue is of land ... the land has already been given to the people, it will not be returned to whites."
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai agreed three months ago to form a coalition government after disputed elections, but the pact has stalled as they fight over who should control key ministries.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe has sunk deeper into crisis: hyperinflation means prices double every day and a cholera epidemic has killed more than 1,100 people.
Mugabe has threatened to form a government with or without the MDC, which complains the president is trying to relegate it to a junior role.
Investors hope a unity government would wrest enough control from Mugabe to reverse the policies they blame for the meltdown, and avert total collapse in Zimbabwe. Mugabe blames Western sanctions for the crisis.
UNTILLED FARMLAND
Under the September 15 deal, land that was seized from white farmers and now lies dormant would not be returned, but would be redistributed to black farmers with the resources and skills to cultivate it.
In a sign of Zimbabwe's collapse -- and its potential -- the conference took place in a town that once relied on mining for its economic lifeblood. Those mines have recently been shut.
ZANU-PF officials earlier said the party was likely to vote on a resolution on Saturday urging Mugabe urgently to form a government unilaterally -- a move that would probably finish off the power-sharing pact.
Resolutions were being discussed behind closed doors and it was not immediately clear whether the motion had been passed.
In elections last March, ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980. Tsvangirai boycotted a run-off presidential vote in June, citing violence against his supporters.
Western countries and some African leaders have renewed calls in recent weeks for Mugabe, 84, to step down.
But, a day after vowing never to "surrender", Mugabe railed against his foes, saying the West wanted to topple him.
"Mugabe must go before Bush is going?" he said, referring to U.S. President George W. Bush, who leaves office in January. "Is it a ritual now that Bush with his political death must be accompanied by some African from
Friday, December 19, 2008
Trio found guilty of Rwandan genocide
(CNN) -- The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda on Thursday convicted the "mastermind" of the Rwandan genocide and sentenced him to life in prison for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.
It is the first time the tribunal has convicted high-level officials for the 100-day genocide in 1994 which left an estimated 800,000 people dead.
Theoneste Bagosora, 67, a colonel in the Rwandan army, was found guilty along with two other men -- Major Aloys Ntabakuze and Lieutenant Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva. All were sentenced to life in prison.
The tribunal -- located in Arusha, Tanzania -- acquitted General Gratien Kabiligi, the former head of military operations, and ordered his immediate release.
CNN Chief International Correspondent Christiane Amanpour -- who covered the story -- called the verdicts "a real turning point and a milestone in justice."
"It sends a message that right up the chain of command, you cannot hide," Amanpour said.
The court said Bagosora was a key figure in drawing up plans for the genocide. A Hutu, Bagosora was convicted of ordering Hutu militia to slaughter rival Tutsis.
The massacres began after a plane crash on April 6, 1994 that killed the presidents of Rwanda and neighboring Burundi. The court said the plane was brought down by a surface-to-air missile fired from the airport in Kigali, the Rwandan capital.
Bagosora decided the military should take over and he refused to involve the prime minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, in any discussions, the court found.
April 7, while Bagosora held a crisis meeting with top military officials, the prime minister was arrested, sexually assaulted and killed by top members of the Rwandan Army, the court found.
That made Bagosora the head of all political and military affairs in Rwanda, and in that capacity, he was at the top of the chain of command.
The same day the prime minister was killed, the court said, army personnel confined and killed four important opposition leaders -- including the president of the constitutional court and government ministers -- and murdered 10 Belgian peacekeepers who had been dispatched to the prime minister's residence.
The court found Bagosora bore responsibility for those and other killings because he commanded those who carried out the crimes.
"Bagosora was the highest authority in the Ministry of Defense and exercised effective control of the Rwandan army and gendarmerie," said Presiding Judge Erik Mose. "He's therefore responsible for the murder of the prime minister, the four opposition politicians, the 10 Belgian peacekeepers, as well as the extensive military involvement in the killing of civilians during this period."
ICTR Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow said the convicted men "prepared, planned, ordered, directed, incited, encouraged and approved the murder of innocent civilian Tutsis."
The killings were carried out by military personnel on the orders of Rwandan authorities including Bagosora, the court said.
The court found that from April to July 1994, Bagosora exercised authority over members of the Rwandan Army and their militiamen, who committed massacres throughout Rwanda with Bagosora's knowledge.
"In all the regions of the country, members of the Tutsi population who were fleeing from the massacres on their hills sought refuge in locations they thought would be safe, often on the recommendation of the local civil and military authorities," the indictment said. "In many of these places, despite the promise that they would be protected by the local civil and military authorities, the refugees were attacked, abducted and massacred, often on the orders or with the complicity of those same authorities."
The indictment against Bagosora alleged he had been opposed to concessions made by his government to Tutsi rebels at 1993 peace talks in Tanzania, and had left the negotiations saying he was returning to Rwanda to "prepare the apocalypse."
The U.N. established the tribunal in late 1994. The trial began in April 2002 and has been deliberating since June 1, 2007.
During the trial, the court heard 242 witnesses -- 82 for the prosecution and 160 for the defense.
The three convicted men will be held in the tribunal's custody until a state can be found to house them.
The genocide's impact is still be felt today, with recent fighting in neighbouring Congo blamed on lingering tensions from the slaughter.
Rebel leader Laurent Nkunda says his forces are fighting to defend Congolese Tutsis from Hutu militants who escaped to Congo.
It is the first time the tribunal has convicted high-level officials for the 100-day genocide in 1994 which left an estimated 800,000 people dead.
Theoneste Bagosora, 67, a colonel in the Rwandan army, was found guilty along with two other men -- Major Aloys Ntabakuze and Lieutenant Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva. All were sentenced to life in prison.
The tribunal -- located in Arusha, Tanzania -- acquitted General Gratien Kabiligi, the former head of military operations, and ordered his immediate release.
CNN Chief International Correspondent Christiane Amanpour -- who covered the story -- called the verdicts "a real turning point and a milestone in justice."
"It sends a message that right up the chain of command, you cannot hide," Amanpour said.
The court said Bagosora was a key figure in drawing up plans for the genocide. A Hutu, Bagosora was convicted of ordering Hutu militia to slaughter rival Tutsis.
The massacres began after a plane crash on April 6, 1994 that killed the presidents of Rwanda and neighboring Burundi. The court said the plane was brought down by a surface-to-air missile fired from the airport in Kigali, the Rwandan capital.
Bagosora decided the military should take over and he refused to involve the prime minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, in any discussions, the court found.
April 7, while Bagosora held a crisis meeting with top military officials, the prime minister was arrested, sexually assaulted and killed by top members of the Rwandan Army, the court found.
That made Bagosora the head of all political and military affairs in Rwanda, and in that capacity, he was at the top of the chain of command.
The same day the prime minister was killed, the court said, army personnel confined and killed four important opposition leaders -- including the president of the constitutional court and government ministers -- and murdered 10 Belgian peacekeepers who had been dispatched to the prime minister's residence.
The court found Bagosora bore responsibility for those and other killings because he commanded those who carried out the crimes.
"Bagosora was the highest authority in the Ministry of Defense and exercised effective control of the Rwandan army and gendarmerie," said Presiding Judge Erik Mose. "He's therefore responsible for the murder of the prime minister, the four opposition politicians, the 10 Belgian peacekeepers, as well as the extensive military involvement in the killing of civilians during this period."
ICTR Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow said the convicted men "prepared, planned, ordered, directed, incited, encouraged and approved the murder of innocent civilian Tutsis."
The killings were carried out by military personnel on the orders of Rwandan authorities including Bagosora, the court said.
The court found that from April to July 1994, Bagosora exercised authority over members of the Rwandan Army and their militiamen, who committed massacres throughout Rwanda with Bagosora's knowledge.
"In all the regions of the country, members of the Tutsi population who were fleeing from the massacres on their hills sought refuge in locations they thought would be safe, often on the recommendation of the local civil and military authorities," the indictment said. "In many of these places, despite the promise that they would be protected by the local civil and military authorities, the refugees were attacked, abducted and massacred, often on the orders or with the complicity of those same authorities."
The indictment against Bagosora alleged he had been opposed to concessions made by his government to Tutsi rebels at 1993 peace talks in Tanzania, and had left the negotiations saying he was returning to Rwanda to "prepare the apocalypse."
The U.N. established the tribunal in late 1994. The trial began in April 2002 and has been deliberating since June 1, 2007.
During the trial, the court heard 242 witnesses -- 82 for the prosecution and 160 for the defense.
The three convicted men will be held in the tribunal's custody until a state can be found to house them.
The genocide's impact is still be felt today, with recent fighting in neighbouring Congo blamed on lingering tensions from the slaughter.
Rebel leader Laurent Nkunda says his forces are fighting to defend Congolese Tutsis from Hutu militants who escaped to Congo.
Sunday, December 14, 2008
UN SECURITY COUNCIL REPORT
NOVEMBER 2008
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
Expected Council Action
The dramatic developments in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) suggest that the Council will continue to watch the situation closely. It remains to be seen, however, whether the Council will agree to include the issue in the Council’s November programme of work. (Further discussions seem to be warranted especially in view of the regional implications and the grave risks for civilians in the light of the history of genocide in the region and the regional/ethnic roots of the problem.) It also remains to be seen how DRC issues will be featured by members in their statements in the thematic debate on protection of civilians in November.
The DRC Sanctions Committee expects to receive the final report of the Group of Experts monitoring the sanctions regime in late November. (The report had been originally expected on 15 November, in line with resolution 1807 of 31 March.)
Key Recent Developments
Initial armed clashes in the eastern DRC have escalated into all-out war. Several towns and camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) were overrun and the provincial capital of Goma was under imminent threat with the armed forces of the DRC (Forces armées de la République Démocratique du Congo, or FARDC) fleeing the city in disarray. At press time, rebel general Laurent Nkunda who heads the National Congress for the Defence of the People (Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple, or CNDP) declared a unilateral ceasefire. There are reports of direct involvement in the fighting by UN peacekeepers.
Tensions between the DRC and Rwanda have grown since early October and seem to have escalated into direct exchanges and fire across the border. The DRC government alleges that Rwandan government forces have lent their support to the CNDP. The Rwandan government alleges government support of “forces of genocide” comprising the former Armed Forces of Rwanda (ex-FAR) and the extremist militia Hutu forces (Interahamwe) and the rebel Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, or the FDLR). (The ex-FAR was the army of the ethnic Hutu-dominated Rwandan regime during the genocide in 1994. The Interahamwe was the civilian militia force that carried out much of the killing during the genocide.) In 2000 the FDLR was formed as a successor to the Hutu exiles’ driven Army for the Liberation of Rwanda (ALIR) which was made up of ex-FAR and Interahamwe members.
Nkunda’s CNDP was formed in 2004 originally to protect Congolese Tutsis residing in eastern DRC from attacks by ex-FAR/Interahamwe/FDLR, although Nkunda has in recent times called for a national insurrection against the incumbent Congolese government. (For recent background details on these issues please see our 14 October Update Report.) In a letter to the president of the Council on 14 October, the Rwandan ambassador to the UN conveyed his government’s allegations of collaboration between the FARDC and the ex-FAR/Interahamwe and the FDLR. On 15 October the ambassador requested the Council to condemn the alleged collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR, sanction five FARDC commanders “directly involved in the most recent collaboration with the forces of genocide”, and suspend the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC) support to the FARDC “until there is a verified end to the FARDC/FDLR co-location and collaboration.”
On 21 October the Council adopted a presidential statement which:
expressed concern about the resurgence of violence in the eastern parts of the DRC and its humanitarian consequences;
welcomed the intention of MONUC to reconfigure its forces to optimise their deployment within the current troop ceiling and mandate; noted (but did not approve) the reinforcements requested in early October by Special Representative of the Secretary-General and head of MONUC, Alan Doss;requested a comprehensive analysis of the situation from the Secretary-General and recommendations for the renewal of MONUC’s mandate in the next report for the Council’s consideration;
condemned recent calls by Nkunda for a national insurrection;urged the Congolese government to take effective steps to ensure that there is no cooperation between elements of the FARDC and the FDLR.
called on the governments in the region to cease all support to the armed groups in the eastern DRC;
encouraged the Secretary-General to step up his efforts to facilitate dialogue between the DRC and Rwanda;
urged the governments of the DRC and Rwanda to engage in efforts to settle their differences; and condemned the recent attacks by the LRA and made reference to the International Criminal Court’s indictments against the LRA leadership.
Over the weekend of 25 October Nkunda’s forces captured a major Congolese army base at Rumangabo and the headquarters of Virunga National Park. On 26 October the UN accused Nkunda’s soldiers of firing rockets at two UN vehicles, injuring several peacekeepers. The accusation was denied by a spokesman for Nkunda.
On 27 and 28 October Congolese protesters attacked the UN's headquarters in Goma over what they saw as insufficient protection for them and support to Congolese government forces against the offensive by Nkunda’s forces. Thousands of refugees displaced by the fighting have reportedly moved into Goma. UN peacekeepers were reported to have deployed to battle the rebels, using UN helicopter gunships and ground forces against the rebels in Rumangabo. The rationale for this action may have been to protect IDPs in the area—but that remains unclear. Nkunda’s army seems to have forced the national army to withdraw from Kimbumba and was reported to be advancing on Goma.
On 27 October Lieutenant General Vicente Diaz de Villegas y Herrería of Spain indicated that he would relinquish his post citing personal reasons (he had been appointed as force commander for MONUC seven weeks before). Brigadier General Ishmeel Ben Quartey of Ghana was named to serve as Acting Force Commander until a successor to Diaz was appointed.
On 28 October the Security Council was briefed in private consultations by the Under Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations Alain Le Roy on the security situation in the eastern provinces of the DRC. He reportedly informed the Council that the situation on the ground was very critical, with Nkunda’s forces having advanced within a few kilometres of Goma. Le Roy emphasised the request that had been made in early October by Doss for reinforcements for MONUC. He suggested that a political solution involving all the parties was critical. Apparently there was some discussion of the Secretary-General appointing a special envoy to directly engage the DRC and Rwanda. Le Roy also discussed possible options for a multinational force being deployed to assist in securing Goma.
Speaking to the media on 28 October, the president of the Council indicated that during the meeting Council members:
expressed grave concern at the resurgence of violence in eastern DRC and strongly condemned the “offensive operations”;
urged all parties to immediately observe a ceasefire and to implement the disengagement plan;
expressed deep concern over the humanitarian consequences of the recent fighting and its negative implications for regional peace and stability; reiterated the need for all parties to the Goma and Nairobi agreements to implement them effectively; and
expressed support for the peacemaking efforts of the Secretary-General and MONUC in the DRC, and called on the relevant parties to cooperate with MONUC to achieve peace and stability in the country and the Great Lakes region.
On 29 October 2008, Council adopted a presidential statement which:
condemned the CNDP offensive in the eastern DRC and demanded that it bring its operations to an end. The Council welcomed the announcement by Laurent Nkunda of an immediate ceasefire and anticipated that he would ensure its effective and durable implementation, and the CNDP’s reengagement in the Goma process; expressed its grave concern about the dramatic humanitarian consequences of the fighting and urged all parties to respect fully their obligations under international law to protect civilians; urged all the signatories to the Goma and Nairobi processes to implement their commitments effectively and in good faith and called on the DRC and Rwandan authorities to take concrete steps to defuse tensions and to restore stability in the region; supported the efforts of the Secretary General to facilitate dialogue between the leaders of the DRC and Rwanda and encouraged him to send a special envoy tasked with this mission as soon as possible;
urged the Government of the DRC to take effective steps to ensure that there is no cooperation between elements of the FARDC and the FDLR and called upon the Governments of the region to cease all support to the armed groups in the eastern region of the DRC; expressed its concern at the reports of heavy weapons fire across the DRC-Rwanda border and reiterates its determination to continue to monitor closely the implementation of the arms embargo and other measures as set out in its resolution 1807; expressed its full support for MONUC and condemned all attacks launched against MONUC and called on MONUC to continue to implement fully its mandate, in all its aspects, especailly “by robust actions to protect civilians at risk and to deter any attempt to threaten the political process by any armed group”; and noted the request by the UN Secretariat for reinforcement of the MONUC and indicated that Council would “study expeditiously that request in view of the developments of the situation on the ground.”
Key Issues
The key issue for the Council is the dangerous situation in the DRC, with its worrying humanitarian implications, and the related issues for the Great Lakes region as a whole. Related issues include urgent protection of civilians requirements and the concerns and role of Rwanda.
The underlying problem is that, despite the agreements which have led to relative stability in western DRC, in the east the Tutsi minority still feels extremely insecure due to lack of accommodations of their concerns by Kinshasa and the presence in the region of the illegal Hutu elements from Rwanda who had perpetrated the genocide against their Tutsi cousins in that country. This situation has fueled the Nkunda rebellion. Equally serious is the problem of relocating Hutu back to Rwanda because of the unwillingness there to make some political accommodations.
Options
Options for the Council members include:
agree to include either DRC or the Great Lakes as an item in the programme of work as a signal of its seriousness on the issue and determination to take further action;
use their interventions in the November debate on protection of civilians to highlight the problem in eastern DRC;
initiate discussions immediately on the request made by Doss for reinforcements for MONUC and on elements for a draft resolution authorising a multinational force, should that become a more feasible immediate option;
develop an initiative to produce a comprehensive political solution to the regional tension involving not only the good offices of the Secretary-General but also more active leadership from the Council and close cooperation with the AU (this might include pressing Kinshasa to accept the need for a formal ceasefire and a negotiated solution with Nkunda followed by a real solution to the ex-FAR/FDLR problem—thereby removing justifications cited by Nkunda and the Rwandan government for their positions). Pressure on Kigali to use its influence with Nkunda to get a reasonable ceasefire is also critical along with pressure for some reforms to improve the comfort level of moderate Hutu; in view of the situation confronting civilians and the history of genocide in the area to encourage the Secretary-General to use his Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide as a part of any high-level team sent to the region; and in their capacities as members of the Sanctions Committee to explore possible measures against individuals responsible for attacks on civilians and creating lists of individuals to be targeted with sanctions for recruiting and using child soldiers, and targeting women or children for violence, including sexual crimes, in line with its resolutions 1698 of July 2006 and 1807 of March 2008 respectively.
Council Dynamics
Council members’ caution in early October about Doss’ request for temporary additional troops for MONUC is now coming back to haunt them. It seems that only France was really sympathetic to Doss’ request.
The willingness to discount the Special Representative’s warnings seems to have been related to the general hesitancy among Council members about the feasibility of obtaining requisite funding and additional troops to meet such requests. The escalation of the conflict in eastern DRC and the mounting tension between Kinshasa and Kigali now seems likely to make some sort of intervention inevitable and probably at much greater financial cost than would have been the case.
Council members also refrained in their 21 October presidential statement from directly addressing the underlying political issues. They seemed to prefer to address the problem indirectly.
The DRC Sanctions Committee members (comprising all 15 Council members) seem to accept the request from the Group of Experts for a delay in its next report, especially since this could result in receiving a much more comprehensive document and also because the request was dictated by practical (and not political) considerations. Agreement to the delay is also, reportedly, due in part to an understanding that the Group of Experts’ report would be submitted before intensive consideration begins on the review of the DRC sanctions regime in December, as stipulated in resolution 1807.
Underlying Problems
The continued presence of illegal armed groups, especially those originating in Rwanda and responsible for 1994 genocide remain a key problem which exacerbates the insecurity felt by the Tutsi community which is protected by Nkunda forces. Weak state institutions, the illicit flow of arms and formidable socioeconomic challenges also continue to impede efforts at peacebuilding in the DRC.
UN Documents
Selected Security Council Resolutions
S/RES/1820 (19 June 2008) on women, peace and security indicated the Council’s intention to consider the “appropriateness of targeted and graduated measures” against parties who committed acts of violence towards women and girls in situations of conflict.
S/RES/1807 (31 March 2008) lifted the arms embargo for government forces, strengthened measures related to aviation and customs, renewed until 31 December 2008 the sanctions regime on the DRC and extended the mandate of the Group of Experts for the same period.
S/RES/1698 (31 July 2006), 1649 (21 December 2005) and 1596 (18 April 2005) strengthened sanctions, including, in resolution 1698, provisions against actors recruiting and using children in armed conflict in the DRC.
S/RES/1533 (12 March 2004) established the Sanctions Committee and the Group of Experts.
Latest Presidential Statement
S/PRST/2008/40 (29 October 2008) condemned the rebel CNDP offensive in the eastern region of the DRC and demanded that it ends its operations, welcomed the announcement by Nkunda of an immediate ceasefire, noted the request for reinforcement of the MONUC made by the UN Secretariat and indicated that it would “study expeditiously that request in view of the developments of the situation on the ground.”
S/PRST/2008/38 (21 October 2008) expressed concern about the resurgence of violence in the eastern parts of the DRC, requested a comprehensive analysis of the situation from the Secretary-General and recommendations for the renewal of MONUC’s mandate in the next report for the Council’s consideration.
Latest Secretary-General’s Report
S/2008/433 (3 July 2008) was the latest (twenty-sixth) report on the DRC.
Selected Sanctions Committee Document
S/2008/43 (11 February 2008) was the latest report of the Group of Experts for the DRC.
Other
S/2008/652 (15 October 2008) was a letter from the Rwandan ambassador to the UN to the president of the Council conveying the Rwanda government’s request to the Council to condemn the collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR, sanction implicated FARDC commanders and suspend MONUC support to the FARDC.
S/2008/649 (14 October 2008) was a letter from the Rwandan ambassador to the UN to the president of the Council conveying the Rwanda governments’ allegations of collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR.
S/2008/526 (6 August 2008) was the letter from the Secretary-General informing the president of the Council about his appointment of two people to replace the arms and aviation experts of the Group of Experts on the DRC for the remainder of the Group’s current mandate.
S/2008/312 (9 May 2008) was the letter from the Secretary-General informing the president of the Council about his appointment of six persons to serve on the Group of Experts.
SC/9312 (28 April 2008) was the press release on the DRC Sanctions Committee delisting of Kisoni Kambale from its consolidated list on assets freezes and travel bans.
S/AC.51/2008/4 (14 January 2008) was the letter from the president of the Council to the Chair of the DRC Sanctions Committee following up on the recommendations of the Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict.
Other Relevant Facts
Chairman of the DRC Sanctions Committee
Ambassador R.M. Marty M. Natalegawa (Indonesia)
Group of Experts
Sergio Finardi (Italy, aviation expert)
Jason Stearns (USA, regional expert and Coordinator of the Group)
Mouctar Kokouma Diallo (Guinea, customs expert)
Peter Danssaert (Belgium, arms expert)
Dinesh Mahtani (UK, finance expert)
Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of Mission
Alan Doss (UK)
MONUC Acting Force Commander
Brigadier General Ishmeel Ben Quartey (Ghana)
Size, Composition and Cost of Mission
Strength as of 30 August: 16,668 troops, 670 military observers, 1,051 police, 937 international civilian personnel and 2,120 local civilian staff.
Approved budget (1 July 2008-30 June 2009): $1,242.73 million
Duration
30 November 1999 to present; mandate expires on 31 December 2008
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
Expected Council Action
The dramatic developments in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) suggest that the Council will continue to watch the situation closely. It remains to be seen, however, whether the Council will agree to include the issue in the Council’s November programme of work. (Further discussions seem to be warranted especially in view of the regional implications and the grave risks for civilians in the light of the history of genocide in the region and the regional/ethnic roots of the problem.) It also remains to be seen how DRC issues will be featured by members in their statements in the thematic debate on protection of civilians in November.
The DRC Sanctions Committee expects to receive the final report of the Group of Experts monitoring the sanctions regime in late November. (The report had been originally expected on 15 November, in line with resolution 1807 of 31 March.)
Key Recent Developments
Initial armed clashes in the eastern DRC have escalated into all-out war. Several towns and camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) were overrun and the provincial capital of Goma was under imminent threat with the armed forces of the DRC (Forces armées de la République Démocratique du Congo, or FARDC) fleeing the city in disarray. At press time, rebel general Laurent Nkunda who heads the National Congress for the Defence of the People (Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple, or CNDP) declared a unilateral ceasefire. There are reports of direct involvement in the fighting by UN peacekeepers.
Tensions between the DRC and Rwanda have grown since early October and seem to have escalated into direct exchanges and fire across the border. The DRC government alleges that Rwandan government forces have lent their support to the CNDP. The Rwandan government alleges government support of “forces of genocide” comprising the former Armed Forces of Rwanda (ex-FAR) and the extremist militia Hutu forces (Interahamwe) and the rebel Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, or the FDLR). (The ex-FAR was the army of the ethnic Hutu-dominated Rwandan regime during the genocide in 1994. The Interahamwe was the civilian militia force that carried out much of the killing during the genocide.) In 2000 the FDLR was formed as a successor to the Hutu exiles’ driven Army for the Liberation of Rwanda (ALIR) which was made up of ex-FAR and Interahamwe members.
Nkunda’s CNDP was formed in 2004 originally to protect Congolese Tutsis residing in eastern DRC from attacks by ex-FAR/Interahamwe/FDLR, although Nkunda has in recent times called for a national insurrection against the incumbent Congolese government. (For recent background details on these issues please see our 14 October Update Report.) In a letter to the president of the Council on 14 October, the Rwandan ambassador to the UN conveyed his government’s allegations of collaboration between the FARDC and the ex-FAR/Interahamwe and the FDLR. On 15 October the ambassador requested the Council to condemn the alleged collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR, sanction five FARDC commanders “directly involved in the most recent collaboration with the forces of genocide”, and suspend the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC) support to the FARDC “until there is a verified end to the FARDC/FDLR co-location and collaboration.”
On 21 October the Council adopted a presidential statement which:
expressed concern about the resurgence of violence in the eastern parts of the DRC and its humanitarian consequences;
welcomed the intention of MONUC to reconfigure its forces to optimise their deployment within the current troop ceiling and mandate; noted (but did not approve) the reinforcements requested in early October by Special Representative of the Secretary-General and head of MONUC, Alan Doss;requested a comprehensive analysis of the situation from the Secretary-General and recommendations for the renewal of MONUC’s mandate in the next report for the Council’s consideration;
condemned recent calls by Nkunda for a national insurrection;urged the Congolese government to take effective steps to ensure that there is no cooperation between elements of the FARDC and the FDLR.
called on the governments in the region to cease all support to the armed groups in the eastern DRC;
encouraged the Secretary-General to step up his efforts to facilitate dialogue between the DRC and Rwanda;
urged the governments of the DRC and Rwanda to engage in efforts to settle their differences; and condemned the recent attacks by the LRA and made reference to the International Criminal Court’s indictments against the LRA leadership.
Over the weekend of 25 October Nkunda’s forces captured a major Congolese army base at Rumangabo and the headquarters of Virunga National Park. On 26 October the UN accused Nkunda’s soldiers of firing rockets at two UN vehicles, injuring several peacekeepers. The accusation was denied by a spokesman for Nkunda.
On 27 and 28 October Congolese protesters attacked the UN's headquarters in Goma over what they saw as insufficient protection for them and support to Congolese government forces against the offensive by Nkunda’s forces. Thousands of refugees displaced by the fighting have reportedly moved into Goma. UN peacekeepers were reported to have deployed to battle the rebels, using UN helicopter gunships and ground forces against the rebels in Rumangabo. The rationale for this action may have been to protect IDPs in the area—but that remains unclear. Nkunda’s army seems to have forced the national army to withdraw from Kimbumba and was reported to be advancing on Goma.
On 27 October Lieutenant General Vicente Diaz de Villegas y Herrería of Spain indicated that he would relinquish his post citing personal reasons (he had been appointed as force commander for MONUC seven weeks before). Brigadier General Ishmeel Ben Quartey of Ghana was named to serve as Acting Force Commander until a successor to Diaz was appointed.
On 28 October the Security Council was briefed in private consultations by the Under Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations Alain Le Roy on the security situation in the eastern provinces of the DRC. He reportedly informed the Council that the situation on the ground was very critical, with Nkunda’s forces having advanced within a few kilometres of Goma. Le Roy emphasised the request that had been made in early October by Doss for reinforcements for MONUC. He suggested that a political solution involving all the parties was critical. Apparently there was some discussion of the Secretary-General appointing a special envoy to directly engage the DRC and Rwanda. Le Roy also discussed possible options for a multinational force being deployed to assist in securing Goma.
Speaking to the media on 28 October, the president of the Council indicated that during the meeting Council members:
expressed grave concern at the resurgence of violence in eastern DRC and strongly condemned the “offensive operations”;
urged all parties to immediately observe a ceasefire and to implement the disengagement plan;
expressed deep concern over the humanitarian consequences of the recent fighting and its negative implications for regional peace and stability; reiterated the need for all parties to the Goma and Nairobi agreements to implement them effectively; and
expressed support for the peacemaking efforts of the Secretary-General and MONUC in the DRC, and called on the relevant parties to cooperate with MONUC to achieve peace and stability in the country and the Great Lakes region.
On 29 October 2008, Council adopted a presidential statement which:
condemned the CNDP offensive in the eastern DRC and demanded that it bring its operations to an end. The Council welcomed the announcement by Laurent Nkunda of an immediate ceasefire and anticipated that he would ensure its effective and durable implementation, and the CNDP’s reengagement in the Goma process; expressed its grave concern about the dramatic humanitarian consequences of the fighting and urged all parties to respect fully their obligations under international law to protect civilians; urged all the signatories to the Goma and Nairobi processes to implement their commitments effectively and in good faith and called on the DRC and Rwandan authorities to take concrete steps to defuse tensions and to restore stability in the region; supported the efforts of the Secretary General to facilitate dialogue between the leaders of the DRC and Rwanda and encouraged him to send a special envoy tasked with this mission as soon as possible;
urged the Government of the DRC to take effective steps to ensure that there is no cooperation between elements of the FARDC and the FDLR and called upon the Governments of the region to cease all support to the armed groups in the eastern region of the DRC; expressed its concern at the reports of heavy weapons fire across the DRC-Rwanda border and reiterates its determination to continue to monitor closely the implementation of the arms embargo and other measures as set out in its resolution 1807; expressed its full support for MONUC and condemned all attacks launched against MONUC and called on MONUC to continue to implement fully its mandate, in all its aspects, especailly “by robust actions to protect civilians at risk and to deter any attempt to threaten the political process by any armed group”; and noted the request by the UN Secretariat for reinforcement of the MONUC and indicated that Council would “study expeditiously that request in view of the developments of the situation on the ground.”
Key Issues
The key issue for the Council is the dangerous situation in the DRC, with its worrying humanitarian implications, and the related issues for the Great Lakes region as a whole. Related issues include urgent protection of civilians requirements and the concerns and role of Rwanda.
The underlying problem is that, despite the agreements which have led to relative stability in western DRC, in the east the Tutsi minority still feels extremely insecure due to lack of accommodations of their concerns by Kinshasa and the presence in the region of the illegal Hutu elements from Rwanda who had perpetrated the genocide against their Tutsi cousins in that country. This situation has fueled the Nkunda rebellion. Equally serious is the problem of relocating Hutu back to Rwanda because of the unwillingness there to make some political accommodations.
Options
Options for the Council members include:
agree to include either DRC or the Great Lakes as an item in the programme of work as a signal of its seriousness on the issue and determination to take further action;
use their interventions in the November debate on protection of civilians to highlight the problem in eastern DRC;
initiate discussions immediately on the request made by Doss for reinforcements for MONUC and on elements for a draft resolution authorising a multinational force, should that become a more feasible immediate option;
develop an initiative to produce a comprehensive political solution to the regional tension involving not only the good offices of the Secretary-General but also more active leadership from the Council and close cooperation with the AU (this might include pressing Kinshasa to accept the need for a formal ceasefire and a negotiated solution with Nkunda followed by a real solution to the ex-FAR/FDLR problem—thereby removing justifications cited by Nkunda and the Rwandan government for their positions). Pressure on Kigali to use its influence with Nkunda to get a reasonable ceasefire is also critical along with pressure for some reforms to improve the comfort level of moderate Hutu; in view of the situation confronting civilians and the history of genocide in the area to encourage the Secretary-General to use his Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide as a part of any high-level team sent to the region; and in their capacities as members of the Sanctions Committee to explore possible measures against individuals responsible for attacks on civilians and creating lists of individuals to be targeted with sanctions for recruiting and using child soldiers, and targeting women or children for violence, including sexual crimes, in line with its resolutions 1698 of July 2006 and 1807 of March 2008 respectively.
Council Dynamics
Council members’ caution in early October about Doss’ request for temporary additional troops for MONUC is now coming back to haunt them. It seems that only France was really sympathetic to Doss’ request.
The willingness to discount the Special Representative’s warnings seems to have been related to the general hesitancy among Council members about the feasibility of obtaining requisite funding and additional troops to meet such requests. The escalation of the conflict in eastern DRC and the mounting tension between Kinshasa and Kigali now seems likely to make some sort of intervention inevitable and probably at much greater financial cost than would have been the case.
Council members also refrained in their 21 October presidential statement from directly addressing the underlying political issues. They seemed to prefer to address the problem indirectly.
The DRC Sanctions Committee members (comprising all 15 Council members) seem to accept the request from the Group of Experts for a delay in its next report, especially since this could result in receiving a much more comprehensive document and also because the request was dictated by practical (and not political) considerations. Agreement to the delay is also, reportedly, due in part to an understanding that the Group of Experts’ report would be submitted before intensive consideration begins on the review of the DRC sanctions regime in December, as stipulated in resolution 1807.
Underlying Problems
The continued presence of illegal armed groups, especially those originating in Rwanda and responsible for 1994 genocide remain a key problem which exacerbates the insecurity felt by the Tutsi community which is protected by Nkunda forces. Weak state institutions, the illicit flow of arms and formidable socioeconomic challenges also continue to impede efforts at peacebuilding in the DRC.
UN Documents
Selected Security Council Resolutions
S/RES/1820 (19 June 2008) on women, peace and security indicated the Council’s intention to consider the “appropriateness of targeted and graduated measures” against parties who committed acts of violence towards women and girls in situations of conflict.
S/RES/1807 (31 March 2008) lifted the arms embargo for government forces, strengthened measures related to aviation and customs, renewed until 31 December 2008 the sanctions regime on the DRC and extended the mandate of the Group of Experts for the same period.
S/RES/1698 (31 July 2006), 1649 (21 December 2005) and 1596 (18 April 2005) strengthened sanctions, including, in resolution 1698, provisions against actors recruiting and using children in armed conflict in the DRC.
S/RES/1533 (12 March 2004) established the Sanctions Committee and the Group of Experts.
Latest Presidential Statement
S/PRST/2008/40 (29 October 2008) condemned the rebel CNDP offensive in the eastern region of the DRC and demanded that it ends its operations, welcomed the announcement by Nkunda of an immediate ceasefire, noted the request for reinforcement of the MONUC made by the UN Secretariat and indicated that it would “study expeditiously that request in view of the developments of the situation on the ground.”
S/PRST/2008/38 (21 October 2008) expressed concern about the resurgence of violence in the eastern parts of the DRC, requested a comprehensive analysis of the situation from the Secretary-General and recommendations for the renewal of MONUC’s mandate in the next report for the Council’s consideration.
Latest Secretary-General’s Report
S/2008/433 (3 July 2008) was the latest (twenty-sixth) report on the DRC.
Selected Sanctions Committee Document
S/2008/43 (11 February 2008) was the latest report of the Group of Experts for the DRC.
Other
S/2008/652 (15 October 2008) was a letter from the Rwandan ambassador to the UN to the president of the Council conveying the Rwanda government’s request to the Council to condemn the collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR, sanction implicated FARDC commanders and suspend MONUC support to the FARDC.
S/2008/649 (14 October 2008) was a letter from the Rwandan ambassador to the UN to the president of the Council conveying the Rwanda governments’ allegations of collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR.
S/2008/526 (6 August 2008) was the letter from the Secretary-General informing the president of the Council about his appointment of two people to replace the arms and aviation experts of the Group of Experts on the DRC for the remainder of the Group’s current mandate.
S/2008/312 (9 May 2008) was the letter from the Secretary-General informing the president of the Council about his appointment of six persons to serve on the Group of Experts.
SC/9312 (28 April 2008) was the press release on the DRC Sanctions Committee delisting of Kisoni Kambale from its consolidated list on assets freezes and travel bans.
S/AC.51/2008/4 (14 January 2008) was the letter from the president of the Council to the Chair of the DRC Sanctions Committee following up on the recommendations of the Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict.
Other Relevant Facts
Chairman of the DRC Sanctions Committee
Ambassador R.M. Marty M. Natalegawa (Indonesia)
Group of Experts
Sergio Finardi (Italy, aviation expert)
Jason Stearns (USA, regional expert and Coordinator of the Group)
Mouctar Kokouma Diallo (Guinea, customs expert)
Peter Danssaert (Belgium, arms expert)
Dinesh Mahtani (UK, finance expert)
Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of Mission
Alan Doss (UK)
MONUC Acting Force Commander
Brigadier General Ishmeel Ben Quartey (Ghana)
Size, Composition and Cost of Mission
Strength as of 30 August: 16,668 troops, 670 military observers, 1,051 police, 937 international civilian personnel and 2,120 local civilian staff.
Approved budget (1 July 2008-30 June 2009): $1,242.73 million
Duration
30 November 1999 to present; mandate expires on 31 December 2008
A place where tears are dried.....
Overview
If the Rwandan genocide represents the failure of the global community to act, then the ASYV represents the power of people from around the world coming together to create a solution to a serious challenge.
The ASYV will not only provide the basic human needs of food, shelter, and protection in order to meet the needs of traumatized youth still struggling with the aftereffects of genocide, but also prepare these youth to take on leadership roles in their society and enable them to move towards the mending of the world beyond them. ASYV will integrate two central elements – the living environment and the learning environment:
Living Environment
A rich, communal living environment will provide the security, structure, and unconditional support which are vital to rehabilitating orphans who otherwise would not experience any form of normative ‘family’ life. This will enable them to feel nurtured, so that they may begin the healing process, and also cultivate a strong sense of self and of social justice. The living environment will also tend to the physical needs of the youth, many of whom suffer from psychological conditions such as trauma, as well as medical conditions that include HIV/AIDS. Village buildings will be environmentally friendly to the extent possible; the Village will engage in sustainable agriculture; attention will be paid to landscaping and trees at the Village. A core element will be an on-site medical clinic, which will be a considerable asset to the Village's orphans, and also provide an important resource to others as it will be linked to the local community health clinic.
Learning Environment
The learning environment of the ASYV will focus on two complementary areas - formal and informal education. The core principles of the informal education curriculum are healing and enrichment. In addition to the therapeutic living environment, ASYV will provide individualized therapies to assist in the healing of each student. Outreach and community service programs will be an integral part of the informal curriculum, as focusing on and being engaged in helping others is a proven methodology for personal healing and leadership development. The formal education at the ASYV school, which incorporates the philosophy of the Village, will provide access to an education – and thus a future – for many who would not otherwise be able to receive it. Students will benefit from on-site computer and arts centers. They will have the opportunity to pursue vocational training, and to be awarded university scholarships.
Impact beyond the village
A strong educational system is vital to rehabilitating the younger generation. ASYV will give its students the skills they need to realize their potential as individuals and to become contributing members of society, helping to build a stronger Rwanda.
ASYV graduates will not only be able to care for themselves and their families, but will form a cadre of individuals with a strong commitment to improving their community and the world, utilizing the tools that ASYV has given them to take action and contribute towards the future of a country recovering from complete devastation.
The potential significance of ASYV reaches far beyond Rwanda, as this project has immense capacity for replication and profound impact. The comprehensive and innovative response to the trauma of the orphan and genocide experience will serve as a model for the successful integration of orphans into civil society, wherever they may be.
The Philosophy
Repairing the individual
The philosophy behind the ASYV is based heavily on the Yemin Orde Youth Village. We believe that there is a timeline in every life, so each one of the traumatized youth that comes through the ASYV has a past, a present and a future. They are in the village because there was a break between their past and their present, some traumatic event that they need to repair in order for them to live in the present and even dream about having a future.
At the village, each child will deal with that break on two levels. One is called tikkun halev, which is repairing the heart. These include individual therapies that range from music, art, or animal therapy, to seeing a psychologist or psychiatrist. Then there’s another level of therapies called tikkun olam, which is repairing the world. The notion is that the way that you heal yourself is by going out and doing for others, because whoever you are there are others less fortunate than you, and you heal yourself through doing for them.
Building on a successful model
ASYV will work in partnership with Yemin Orde and follow its successful model to further the treatment and growth of abandoned children and youth by placing them in a safe, structured environment with a rich community life, while minimizing threats and exposing them to elements of parental wholeness. Additionally, it will provide them with quality education while adequately preparing them for their future roles in society. Ethiopian Israelis, many of them graduates of Yemin Orde, are helping to bring the model to Rwanda, sharing their own personal experiences.
Focus on learning
ASYV will focus on developing students both cognitively and socially. Schooling will be geared towards university and also provide students with choices for vocational tracks. The curriculum will focus on communal participation, and encourage the spirit of volunteerism as a means for sustainable development and community enrichment. It will also seek to expand each student’s talents, skills, and capacity to become not only functioning members of society but leaders of their communities.
The History
The spark of an idea
In November of 2005, ASYV founder Anne Heyman and her husband Seth Merrin heard a talk about the Rwanda genocide by Paul Rusesabagina, the subject of the movie Hotel Rwanda. At a dinner after the talk, Seth asked Paul to identify the biggest problem facing Rwanda today. Paul replied that in a country with 1.2 million orphans – 15% of the population – there is no future for that country unless you can figure out how to help those children.
Immediately, Anne, a South African-born lawyer and mother of three living in New York City, connected the challenge of the Rwandan orphan population to the similar challenge that Israel faced after the Second World War, when there had been a large influx of orphans from the Holocaust. To care for these traumatized youth, Israel built residential living communities called youth villages. Anne was inspired to bring this model to Rwanda.
Making connections
Anne began reaching out to people in Rwanda, Israel and the United States, to share her idea and learn how to realize her vision. She met with officials at the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC), an international humanitarian organization, which agreed to offer logistical support for the project. The ASYV is now a special project of JDC’s non-sectarian international development program.
It takes a village
The JDC connected Anne to Dr. Chaim Peri, who runs Yemin Orde, one of the Israel youth villages on which the ASYV would come to be modeled. Established in 1953, Yemin Orde originally cared for orphans from the Holocaust, but since then has come to serve many other traumatized youth, including from South America, the former Soviet Union, and Ethiopia. Several Ethiopian Israeli graduates of Yemin Orde are now helping with the ASYV.
Wednesday, December 10, 2008
La Déclaration universelle des droits de l'Homme a soixante ans
mercredi, 10 decembre, 08h00
AFP Cécile FEUILLATRE
Il y a soixante ans, le 10 décembre 1948, l'Assemblée générale de l'Onu adoptait à Paris la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'Homme, texte fondateur qui a inspiré le droit international d'après-guerre, mais dont l'idéal proclamé reste lointain et contesté.
Plusieurs manifestations sont organisées à cette occasion, essentiellement en France, où doit avoir lieu ce mercredi une cérémonie en présence de représentants de l'Onu, de la Commission européenne, et d'ONG au Palais de Chaillot, à Paris, où fut adopté le texte.
Inspirée par la déclaration française des droits de l'homme et du citoyen de 1789 et la déclaration d'indépendance américaine de 1776, la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'Homme (DUDH) a pour première origine le traumatisme engendré par la seconde guerre mondiale et le génocide des juifs par les nazis.
"Tous les êtres humains naissent libres et égaux en dignité et en droits", proclame le premier article de la déclaration, qui en trente points énumère des droits humains, civils, économiques, sociaux et culturels, "inaliénables" et "indivisibles".
Le texte fut adopté par les 58 Etats alors membres de l'assemblée générale de l'Onu, à l'exception de l'URSS, des pays d'Europe orientale, de l'Arabie saoudite et de l'Afrique du Sud, qui s'abstinrent. Car la déclaration est le fruit de débats complexes, et a été élaborée dans un climat de début de Guerre froide. L'URSS et ses satellites insistaient notamment sur les "droits réels", économiques et sociaux, contre les "droits bourgeois" civils et culturels défendus par les démocraties occidentales.
Ces dernières, de leur côté, résistaient à l'idée de traduire la déclaration en instrument juridique contraignant, craignant qu'il ne fût utilisé contre elles par les pays colonisés. De fait, ce n'est qu'en 1966 que furent adoptés par l'Onu deux pactes contraignants qui constituent, avec la DUDH, la charte des droits de l'Homme de l'Onu.
Mais malgré ses ambiguités et les arrière-pensées qui ont présidé à sa création, le texte de 1948 reste, selon le mot du juriste français René Cassin, qui participa à son élaboration, "le premier manifeste que l'humanité organisée ait jamais adopté".
Sans valeur contraignante, la DUDH a inspiré tous les traités internationaux de l'après-guerre, et est généralement reconnue comme le fondement du droit international relatif aux droits de l'Homme. Les conventions internationales de 1979 contre la discrimination envers les femmes, de 1984 contre la torture, de 1990 sur les droits de l'enfant, la création de la Cour Pénale internationale (CPI) en 1998 découlent directement de la DUDH.
Elle a également inspiré "le droit d'ingérence" et d'assistance humanitaire chers au chef de la diplomatie française Bernard Kouchner. Pour autant, elle n'a pas empêché un nouveau génocide, au Rwanda en 1994, ni la violation quotidienne des droits les plus élémentaires à travers le monde.
En outre, les droits de l'homme restent une "idéologie", selon le terme de l'ancien ministre français de la Justice Robert Badinter, idéologie contestée par des Etats qui dénoncent une vision purement occidentale et qui remettent en cause son universalisme. "Il y a un courant souverainiste --chacun est maître chez soi--, représenté notamment par la Chine, le Venezuela, Cuba ou la Birmanie, et un courant islamiste, qui estime que les droits de l'Homme sont le produit d'une pensée religieuse révélée", estimait M. Badinter lors d'une récente conférence à Paris.
Pour ce militant farouche de l'universalisme des droits de l'Homme, le monde est entré "en régression" dans ce domaine, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre et la politique "désastreuse" menée par les Etats-Unis puis par les démocraties européennes sous couvert de lutte contre le terrorisme.
"Nous avons renié ce que nous prétendons défendre, et nous en supporterons longtemps les conséquences", prévoit-il.
AFP Cécile FEUILLATRE
Il y a soixante ans, le 10 décembre 1948, l'Assemblée générale de l'Onu adoptait à Paris la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'Homme, texte fondateur qui a inspiré le droit international d'après-guerre, mais dont l'idéal proclamé reste lointain et contesté.
Plusieurs manifestations sont organisées à cette occasion, essentiellement en France, où doit avoir lieu ce mercredi une cérémonie en présence de représentants de l'Onu, de la Commission européenne, et d'ONG au Palais de Chaillot, à Paris, où fut adopté le texte.
Inspirée par la déclaration française des droits de l'homme et du citoyen de 1789 et la déclaration d'indépendance américaine de 1776, la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'Homme (DUDH) a pour première origine le traumatisme engendré par la seconde guerre mondiale et le génocide des juifs par les nazis.
"Tous les êtres humains naissent libres et égaux en dignité et en droits", proclame le premier article de la déclaration, qui en trente points énumère des droits humains, civils, économiques, sociaux et culturels, "inaliénables" et "indivisibles".
Le texte fut adopté par les 58 Etats alors membres de l'assemblée générale de l'Onu, à l'exception de l'URSS, des pays d'Europe orientale, de l'Arabie saoudite et de l'Afrique du Sud, qui s'abstinrent. Car la déclaration est le fruit de débats complexes, et a été élaborée dans un climat de début de Guerre froide. L'URSS et ses satellites insistaient notamment sur les "droits réels", économiques et sociaux, contre les "droits bourgeois" civils et culturels défendus par les démocraties occidentales.
Ces dernières, de leur côté, résistaient à l'idée de traduire la déclaration en instrument juridique contraignant, craignant qu'il ne fût utilisé contre elles par les pays colonisés. De fait, ce n'est qu'en 1966 que furent adoptés par l'Onu deux pactes contraignants qui constituent, avec la DUDH, la charte des droits de l'Homme de l'Onu.
Mais malgré ses ambiguités et les arrière-pensées qui ont présidé à sa création, le texte de 1948 reste, selon le mot du juriste français René Cassin, qui participa à son élaboration, "le premier manifeste que l'humanité organisée ait jamais adopté".
Sans valeur contraignante, la DUDH a inspiré tous les traités internationaux de l'après-guerre, et est généralement reconnue comme le fondement du droit international relatif aux droits de l'Homme. Les conventions internationales de 1979 contre la discrimination envers les femmes, de 1984 contre la torture, de 1990 sur les droits de l'enfant, la création de la Cour Pénale internationale (CPI) en 1998 découlent directement de la DUDH.
Elle a également inspiré "le droit d'ingérence" et d'assistance humanitaire chers au chef de la diplomatie française Bernard Kouchner. Pour autant, elle n'a pas empêché un nouveau génocide, au Rwanda en 1994, ni la violation quotidienne des droits les plus élémentaires à travers le monde.
En outre, les droits de l'homme restent une "idéologie", selon le terme de l'ancien ministre français de la Justice Robert Badinter, idéologie contestée par des Etats qui dénoncent une vision purement occidentale et qui remettent en cause son universalisme. "Il y a un courant souverainiste --chacun est maître chez soi--, représenté notamment par la Chine, le Venezuela, Cuba ou la Birmanie, et un courant islamiste, qui estime que les droits de l'Homme sont le produit d'une pensée religieuse révélée", estimait M. Badinter lors d'une récente conférence à Paris.
Pour ce militant farouche de l'universalisme des droits de l'Homme, le monde est entré "en régression" dans ce domaine, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre et la politique "désastreuse" menée par les Etats-Unis puis par les démocraties européennes sous couvert de lutte contre le terrorisme.
"Nous avons renié ce que nous prétendons défendre, et nous en supporterons longtemps les conséquences", prévoit-il.
RDC: première rencontre directe à Nairobi entre rebelles et gouvernement
Lundi 8 décembre, 16h57
Lucie PEYTERMANN
La rébellion congolaise de Laurent Nkunda et le gouvernement de République démocratique du Congo (RDC), qui s'affrontent depuis fin août dans l'est du pays, s'entretenaient directement pour la première fois lundi à Nairobi, un rendez-vous crucial pour l'issue du conflit.
La rencontre a commencé lundi après-midi à huis clos entre la délégation du gouvernement de Kinshasa et celle du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) de Laurent Nkunda au siège des Nations unies à Nairobi. Ces discussions pourraient se prolonger jusque mercredi selon les participants.
"C'est une occasion qui ne devrait être ni perdue, ni gâchée", a déclaré en préambule le médiateur de l'ONU dans la crise et ex-président nigérian Olusegun Obasanjo.
"J'espère que vous serez capables de mettre de côté vos divergences et que vous réaliserez qu'il n'y a qu'un seul Congo et que la communauté internationale est là pour vous encourager et vous aider", a pour sa part estimé le ministre kényan des Affaires étrangères Moses Wetangula
La délégation du CNDP est composée de cinq personnes, dont le porte-parole Bertrand Bisimwa, le secrétaire exécutif adjoint du CNDP, Serge Kambasu Ngeve et le commissaire en charge des Relations extérieures du mouvement, René Abandi.
La délégation gouvernementale est conduite par le ministre de la Coopération internationale et régionale, Raymond Tshibanda.
La RDC est confrontée à une reprise des combats dans la province du Nord-Kivu (est) entre l'armée et la rébellion du général déchu tutsi congolais Laurent Nkunda, qui campe depuis fin octobre aux portes de Goma, capitale du Nord-Kivu.
Ces combats ont jeté sur les routes plus de 250.000 personnes, survivant dans des conditions catastrophiques.
Le CNDP a toutefois adopté unilatéralement un cessez-le-feu fin octobre, qui a permis le maintien d'un calme précaire. Mais des affrontements sporadiques se poursuivent entre d'un côté le CNDP, et de l'autre des groupes armés pro-gouvernementaux et des rebelles hutus rwandais.
Le gouvernement congolais, qui a longtemps refusé de discuter avec Laurent Nkunda, avait annoncé vendredi la tenue de cette réunion à Nairobi avec des représentants de la rébellion, sous les auspices de M. Obasanjo. Pour Kinshasa, la réunion doit servir à "formaliser" le cessez-le-feu.
Mais selon M. Bisimwa, "certains points" de la discussion doivent encore être clarifiés, notamment le "cadre" et les "participants".
Des doutes demeuraient selon lui sur la possible volonté de Kinshasa d'inclure d'autres groupes armés actifs au Nord-Kivu et participant au programme Amani.
Ce programme, lancé en janvier pour tenter d'imposer un cessez-le feu dans l'est de la RDC, inclut tous les mouvements armés congolais actifs dans les provinces du Sud et du Nord-Kivu.
La rébellion a dénoncé ce programme et exige des négociations directes avec Kinshasa. Dimanche, M. Bisimwa a encore menacé de quitter Nairobi si le gouvernement persistait à inclure d'autres groupes armés dans les pourparlers.
"Nous avons un problème de leadership. Le régime actuel a échoué", a affirmé lundi à l'AFP M. Bisimwa. "Il faut refonder l'Etat et la nation congolaise. Nous pensons que cela doit passer par un gouvernement d'union nationale auquel nous participerions".
Parallèlement, un diplomate européen a indiqué lundi que l'UE allait étudier toutes les options possibles avant de répondre à la demande des Nations unies d'envoyer une "force relais" en attendant l'arrivée en RDC des 3.000 Casques bleus prévus pour renforcer les 17.000 hommes de la force de l'ONU en RDC.
Lucie PEYTERMANN
La rébellion congolaise de Laurent Nkunda et le gouvernement de République démocratique du Congo (RDC), qui s'affrontent depuis fin août dans l'est du pays, s'entretenaient directement pour la première fois lundi à Nairobi, un rendez-vous crucial pour l'issue du conflit.
La rencontre a commencé lundi après-midi à huis clos entre la délégation du gouvernement de Kinshasa et celle du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) de Laurent Nkunda au siège des Nations unies à Nairobi. Ces discussions pourraient se prolonger jusque mercredi selon les participants.
"C'est une occasion qui ne devrait être ni perdue, ni gâchée", a déclaré en préambule le médiateur de l'ONU dans la crise et ex-président nigérian Olusegun Obasanjo.
"J'espère que vous serez capables de mettre de côté vos divergences et que vous réaliserez qu'il n'y a qu'un seul Congo et que la communauté internationale est là pour vous encourager et vous aider", a pour sa part estimé le ministre kényan des Affaires étrangères Moses Wetangula
La délégation du CNDP est composée de cinq personnes, dont le porte-parole Bertrand Bisimwa, le secrétaire exécutif adjoint du CNDP, Serge Kambasu Ngeve et le commissaire en charge des Relations extérieures du mouvement, René Abandi.
La délégation gouvernementale est conduite par le ministre de la Coopération internationale et régionale, Raymond Tshibanda.
La RDC est confrontée à une reprise des combats dans la province du Nord-Kivu (est) entre l'armée et la rébellion du général déchu tutsi congolais Laurent Nkunda, qui campe depuis fin octobre aux portes de Goma, capitale du Nord-Kivu.
Ces combats ont jeté sur les routes plus de 250.000 personnes, survivant dans des conditions catastrophiques.
Le CNDP a toutefois adopté unilatéralement un cessez-le-feu fin octobre, qui a permis le maintien d'un calme précaire. Mais des affrontements sporadiques se poursuivent entre d'un côté le CNDP, et de l'autre des groupes armés pro-gouvernementaux et des rebelles hutus rwandais.
Le gouvernement congolais, qui a longtemps refusé de discuter avec Laurent Nkunda, avait annoncé vendredi la tenue de cette réunion à Nairobi avec des représentants de la rébellion, sous les auspices de M. Obasanjo. Pour Kinshasa, la réunion doit servir à "formaliser" le cessez-le-feu.
Mais selon M. Bisimwa, "certains points" de la discussion doivent encore être clarifiés, notamment le "cadre" et les "participants".
Des doutes demeuraient selon lui sur la possible volonté de Kinshasa d'inclure d'autres groupes armés actifs au Nord-Kivu et participant au programme Amani.
Ce programme, lancé en janvier pour tenter d'imposer un cessez-le feu dans l'est de la RDC, inclut tous les mouvements armés congolais actifs dans les provinces du Sud et du Nord-Kivu.
La rébellion a dénoncé ce programme et exige des négociations directes avec Kinshasa. Dimanche, M. Bisimwa a encore menacé de quitter Nairobi si le gouvernement persistait à inclure d'autres groupes armés dans les pourparlers.
"Nous avons un problème de leadership. Le régime actuel a échoué", a affirmé lundi à l'AFP M. Bisimwa. "Il faut refonder l'Etat et la nation congolaise. Nous pensons que cela doit passer par un gouvernement d'union nationale auquel nous participerions".
Parallèlement, un diplomate européen a indiqué lundi que l'UE allait étudier toutes les options possibles avant de répondre à la demande des Nations unies d'envoyer une "force relais" en attendant l'arrivée en RDC des 3.000 Casques bleus prévus pour renforcer les 17.000 hommes de la force de l'ONU en RDC.
RDC: première rencontre directe à Nairobi entre rebelles et gouvernement
Lundi 8 décembre, 16h57
Lucie PEYTERMANN
La rébellion congolaise de Laurent Nkunda et le gouvernement de République démocratique du Congo (RDC), qui s'affrontent depuis fin août dans l'est du pays, s'entretenaient directement pour la première fois lundi à Nairobi, un rendez-vous crucial pour l'issue du conflit.
La rencontre a commencé lundi après-midi à huis clos entre la délégation du gouvernement de Kinshasa et celle du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) de Laurent Nkunda au siège des Nations unies à Nairobi. Ces discussions pourraient se prolonger jusque mercredi selon les participants.
"C'est une occasion qui ne devrait être ni perdue, ni gâchée", a déclaré en préambule le médiateur de l'ONU dans la crise et ex-président nigérian Olusegun Obasanjo.
"J'espère que vous serez capables de mettre de côté vos divergences et que vous réaliserez qu'il n'y a qu'un seul Congo et que la communauté internationale est là pour vous encourager et vous aider", a pour sa part estimé le ministre kényan des Affaires étrangères Moses Wetangula
La délégation du CNDP est composée de cinq personnes, dont le porte-parole Bertrand Bisimwa, le secrétaire exécutif adjoint du CNDP, Serge Kambasu Ngeve et le commissaire en charge des Relations extérieures du mouvement, René Abandi.
La délégation gouvernementale est conduite par le ministre de la Coopération internationale et régionale, Raymond Tshibanda.
La RDC est confrontée à une reprise des combats dans la province du Nord-Kivu (est) entre l'armée et la rébellion du général déchu tutsi congolais Laurent Nkunda, qui campe depuis fin octobre aux portes de Goma, capitale du Nord-Kivu.
Ces combats ont jeté sur les routes plus de 250.000 personnes, survivant dans des conditions catastrophiques.
Le CNDP a toutefois adopté unilatéralement un cessez-le-feu fin octobre, qui a permis le maintien d'un calme précaire. Mais des affrontements sporadiques se poursuivent entre d'un côté le CNDP, et de l'autre des groupes armés pro-gouvernementaux et des rebelles hutus rwandais.
Le gouvernement congolais, qui a longtemps refusé de discuter avec Laurent Nkunda, avait annoncé vendredi la tenue de cette réunion à Nairobi avec des représentants de la rébellion, sous les auspices de M. Obasanjo. Pour Kinshasa, la réunion doit servir à "formaliser" le cessez-le-feu.
Mais selon M. Bisimwa, "certains points" de la discussion doivent encore être clarifiés, notamment le "cadre" et les "participants".
Des doutes demeuraient selon lui sur la possible volonté de Kinshasa d'inclure d'autres groupes armés actifs au Nord-Kivu et participant au programme Amani.
Ce programme, lancé en janvier pour tenter d'imposer un cessez-le feu dans l'est de la RDC, inclut tous les mouvements armés congolais actifs dans les provinces du Sud et du Nord-Kivu.
La rébellion a dénoncé ce programme et exige des négociations directes avec Kinshasa. Dimanche, M. Bisimwa a encore menacé de quitter Nairobi si le gouvernement persistait à inclure d'autres groupes armés dans les pourparlers.
"Nous avons un problème de leadership. Le régime actuel a échoué", a affirmé lundi à l'AFP M. Bisimwa. "Il faut refonder l'Etat et la nation congolaise. Nous pensons que cela doit passer par un gouvernement d'union nationale auquel nous participerions".
Parallèlement, un diplomate européen a indiqué lundi que l'UE allait étudier toutes les options possibles avant de répondre à la demande des Nations unies d'envoyer une "force relais" en attendant l'arrivée en RDC des 3.000 Casques bleus prévus pour renforcer les 17.000 hommes de la force de l'ONU en RDC.
Lucie PEYTERMANN
La rébellion congolaise de Laurent Nkunda et le gouvernement de République démocratique du Congo (RDC), qui s'affrontent depuis fin août dans l'est du pays, s'entretenaient directement pour la première fois lundi à Nairobi, un rendez-vous crucial pour l'issue du conflit.
La rencontre a commencé lundi après-midi à huis clos entre la délégation du gouvernement de Kinshasa et celle du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP) de Laurent Nkunda au siège des Nations unies à Nairobi. Ces discussions pourraient se prolonger jusque mercredi selon les participants.
"C'est une occasion qui ne devrait être ni perdue, ni gâchée", a déclaré en préambule le médiateur de l'ONU dans la crise et ex-président nigérian Olusegun Obasanjo.
"J'espère que vous serez capables de mettre de côté vos divergences et que vous réaliserez qu'il n'y a qu'un seul Congo et que la communauté internationale est là pour vous encourager et vous aider", a pour sa part estimé le ministre kényan des Affaires étrangères Moses Wetangula
La délégation du CNDP est composée de cinq personnes, dont le porte-parole Bertrand Bisimwa, le secrétaire exécutif adjoint du CNDP, Serge Kambasu Ngeve et le commissaire en charge des Relations extérieures du mouvement, René Abandi.
La délégation gouvernementale est conduite par le ministre de la Coopération internationale et régionale, Raymond Tshibanda.
La RDC est confrontée à une reprise des combats dans la province du Nord-Kivu (est) entre l'armée et la rébellion du général déchu tutsi congolais Laurent Nkunda, qui campe depuis fin octobre aux portes de Goma, capitale du Nord-Kivu.
Ces combats ont jeté sur les routes plus de 250.000 personnes, survivant dans des conditions catastrophiques.
Le CNDP a toutefois adopté unilatéralement un cessez-le-feu fin octobre, qui a permis le maintien d'un calme précaire. Mais des affrontements sporadiques se poursuivent entre d'un côté le CNDP, et de l'autre des groupes armés pro-gouvernementaux et des rebelles hutus rwandais.
Le gouvernement congolais, qui a longtemps refusé de discuter avec Laurent Nkunda, avait annoncé vendredi la tenue de cette réunion à Nairobi avec des représentants de la rébellion, sous les auspices de M. Obasanjo. Pour Kinshasa, la réunion doit servir à "formaliser" le cessez-le-feu.
Mais selon M. Bisimwa, "certains points" de la discussion doivent encore être clarifiés, notamment le "cadre" et les "participants".
Des doutes demeuraient selon lui sur la possible volonté de Kinshasa d'inclure d'autres groupes armés actifs au Nord-Kivu et participant au programme Amani.
Ce programme, lancé en janvier pour tenter d'imposer un cessez-le feu dans l'est de la RDC, inclut tous les mouvements armés congolais actifs dans les provinces du Sud et du Nord-Kivu.
La rébellion a dénoncé ce programme et exige des négociations directes avec Kinshasa. Dimanche, M. Bisimwa a encore menacé de quitter Nairobi si le gouvernement persistait à inclure d'autres groupes armés dans les pourparlers.
"Nous avons un problème de leadership. Le régime actuel a échoué", a affirmé lundi à l'AFP M. Bisimwa. "Il faut refonder l'Etat et la nation congolaise. Nous pensons que cela doit passer par un gouvernement d'union nationale auquel nous participerions".
Parallèlement, un diplomate européen a indiqué lundi que l'UE allait étudier toutes les options possibles avant de répondre à la demande des Nations unies d'envoyer une "force relais" en attendant l'arrivée en RDC des 3.000 Casques bleus prévus pour renforcer les 17.000 hommes de la force de l'ONU en RDC.
Nord-Kivu: des pourparlers de paix s'ouvrent au Kenya, sans Nkunda ni Kabila
Lundi 8 décembre, 15h45
Katharine Houreld
Des représentants du gouvernement congolais et des forces rebelles ont entamé lundi à Nairobi des pourparlers de paix sous l'égide des Nations unies pour tenter de mettre fin aux violences au Nord-Kivu, dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC), qui ont fait plus de 250.000 déplacés depuis le mois d'août.
"C'est une opportunité qui ne doit pas être perdue ni gâchée", a déclaré lundi l'émissaire spécial de l'ONU, l'ancien président nigérian Olusegun Obasanjo, dans la capitale kenyane. Il a précisé que les pourparlers avaient pour objectif d'établir un cessez-le-feu durable et permettre l'acheminement d'aide humanitaire dans cette région de l'est du Congo-Kinshasa.
Mais ni le chef des insurgés Laurent Nkunda, ni le président congolais Joseph Kabila ne participaient à ces discussions. Joseph Kabila a jusqu'ici refusé de rencontrer Laurent Nkunda, arguant qu'une telle rencontre constituerait une reconnaissance des rebelles.
Au total, plus de 250.000 personnes ont été forcées d'abandonner leurs maisons depuis le début de l'offensive des forces de Laurent Nkunda le 28 août dernier.
Et plus de 30.000 réfugiés de République démocratique du Congo (RDC) ont gagné l'Ouganda voisin depuis le mois d'août, fuyant les combats au Nord-Kivu, a précisé lundi le Haut commissariat pour les réfugiés des Nations unies (HCR) en Ouganda. AP
Katharine Houreld
Des représentants du gouvernement congolais et des forces rebelles ont entamé lundi à Nairobi des pourparlers de paix sous l'égide des Nations unies pour tenter de mettre fin aux violences au Nord-Kivu, dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC), qui ont fait plus de 250.000 déplacés depuis le mois d'août.
"C'est une opportunité qui ne doit pas être perdue ni gâchée", a déclaré lundi l'émissaire spécial de l'ONU, l'ancien président nigérian Olusegun Obasanjo, dans la capitale kenyane. Il a précisé que les pourparlers avaient pour objectif d'établir un cessez-le-feu durable et permettre l'acheminement d'aide humanitaire dans cette région de l'est du Congo-Kinshasa.
Mais ni le chef des insurgés Laurent Nkunda, ni le président congolais Joseph Kabila ne participaient à ces discussions. Joseph Kabila a jusqu'ici refusé de rencontrer Laurent Nkunda, arguant qu'une telle rencontre constituerait une reconnaissance des rebelles.
Au total, plus de 250.000 personnes ont été forcées d'abandonner leurs maisons depuis le début de l'offensive des forces de Laurent Nkunda le 28 août dernier.
Et plus de 30.000 réfugiés de République démocratique du Congo (RDC) ont gagné l'Ouganda voisin depuis le mois d'août, fuyant les combats au Nord-Kivu, a précisé lundi le Haut commissariat pour les réfugiés des Nations unies (HCR) en Ouganda. AP
Les réfugiés congolais de Masisi s'estiment abandonnés
Hier, 16h08
Joe Bavier
Alors que les autorités de Kinshasa et les rebelles tutsis du Nord-Kivu ont engagé lundi des pourparlers de paix au Kenya, les conséquences humanitaires des derniers mois d'affrontements dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) commencent à se faire lourdement sentir.
Discussion: Kenya
"Rukundo: parents inconnus; sexe féminin; âge: cinq ans; maladie inconnue. "Dusingamana: parents inconnus; sexe féminin; âge: neuf ans, diarrhée." "Uwahiszemo: parents inconnus; sexe masculin; âge: 17 mois; maladie inconnue."
La liste des décès au camp de Kilimani, à Masisi, dans la province orientale du Nord-Kivu, ne cesse de s'allonger, alourdissant encore le bilan d'une crise qui a fait, directement ou non, plus de cinq millions de morts en dix ans.
Plus de 250.000 personnes ont encore été déplacées ces dernières semaines dans cette région par des combats aux motivations politico-ethniques.
De combats sporadiques en initiatives de paix éphémères, la situation humanitaire n'a cessé de s'aggraver.
Josephine Foraha s'est enfuie vers Kilimani en mai 2007, lorsque les rebelles tutsis du général déchu Laurent Nkunda ont fait irruption dans son village.
Avec son mari et ses neuf enfants, elle est restée dans le camp après la conclusion, en janvier 2008, d'un accord de paix censé mettre fin aux affrontements dans la région entre, d'une part, les forces gouvernementales et milices locales et, d'autre part, les rebelles de Nkunda, soutenus par le Rwanda voisin.
PISTES À RISQUES
Mal lui en a pris. "Mon mari a été le premier à mourir", raconte-t-elle, tapie dans un abri de fortune fait de feuilles de bananier qui fait office de foyer familial.
"Son coeur a cédé. Il ne mangeait plus. Le premier de mes enfants est mort en septembre, le deuxième en octobre", explique-t-elle, son plus jeune enfant accroché à son dos.
Trois milices rivales, l'armée nationale et les rebelles occupent des positions sur les collines qui surplombent Masisi.
Ces groupes, parmi lesquels figurent des rebelles hutus qui ont participé au génocide des Tutsis en 1994 au Rwanda, se disputent le contrôle des pistes boueuses qui serpentent à travers ces collines.
Des éléments armés écument ces lacets de latérite, stratégiques pour l'acheminement de l'aide médicale de l'ONG Médecins sans frontières aux dispensaires locaux, fréquemment pillés.
"Chaque fois qu'il prennent la route, les gens prennent un risque", souligne Emma Zoratti, responsable de l'antenne de MSF à Masisi.
Les personnels médicaux ont évacué de nombreuses zones d'affrontements au Nord-Kivu, où chaque mouvement de réfugiés accroît les risques d'épidémies mortelles.
Mais parfois les civils déplacés ont trop peur pour venir se faire soigner. "Ils ne viennent pas. Même quand leurs enfants sont très malades, ils ne viennent tout simplement pas", explique Emma Zoratti.
"Ceux qui arrivent finalement sont souvent en trop mauvais état pour être sauvés", déplore-t-elle.
PLUS LA FORCE DE PLEURER
Le conflit dans l'ex-Congo-belge, nourri par des haines ethniques et la convoitise de ses richesses minérales, est considéré comme le plus sanglant depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
La plupart des morts sont des victimes indirectes des combats. Elles succombent à des maladies soignables comme le paludisme, la diarrhée ou le choléra, qui sont aggravées par de mauvaises conditions sanitaires et la malnutrition, autant de 'produits dérivés' du conflit.
"Ce qui a tué mon mari, ce qui a tué mes filles, est encore là. C'est la guerre", affirme Joséphine Foraha.
Dans une aile de l'hôpital de Masisi, les enfants d'un village voisin frappé par une épidémie de rougeole sont en quarantaine. Le personnel estime que ceux qui souffraient déjà de malnutrition ne survivront pas à la maladie. Les autres risquent la cécité. La plupart n'ont plus la force de pleurer.
Chaque nouvelle vague de combats inonde les salles d'opérations de l'hôpital.
Les médecins ont lutté durant des semaines pour sauver la jambe de Bananiye Hakiza, un enfant de 12 ans atteint par les balles de miliciens pro-gouvernementaux. Il les a finalement implorés de l'amputer et repose aujourd'hui sur son lit, une couverture dissimulant son moignon.
"Tant qu'il n'y aura pas de sécurité, nous ne pourrons pas regagner nos foyers. La communauté internationale nous a abandonnés", résume un résident du camp de Masisis, Gabardine Rwarakabije.
Joe Bavier
Alors que les autorités de Kinshasa et les rebelles tutsis du Nord-Kivu ont engagé lundi des pourparlers de paix au Kenya, les conséquences humanitaires des derniers mois d'affrontements dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) commencent à se faire lourdement sentir.
Discussion: Kenya
"Rukundo: parents inconnus; sexe féminin; âge: cinq ans; maladie inconnue. "Dusingamana: parents inconnus; sexe féminin; âge: neuf ans, diarrhée." "Uwahiszemo: parents inconnus; sexe masculin; âge: 17 mois; maladie inconnue."
La liste des décès au camp de Kilimani, à Masisi, dans la province orientale du Nord-Kivu, ne cesse de s'allonger, alourdissant encore le bilan d'une crise qui a fait, directement ou non, plus de cinq millions de morts en dix ans.
Plus de 250.000 personnes ont encore été déplacées ces dernières semaines dans cette région par des combats aux motivations politico-ethniques.
De combats sporadiques en initiatives de paix éphémères, la situation humanitaire n'a cessé de s'aggraver.
Josephine Foraha s'est enfuie vers Kilimani en mai 2007, lorsque les rebelles tutsis du général déchu Laurent Nkunda ont fait irruption dans son village.
Avec son mari et ses neuf enfants, elle est restée dans le camp après la conclusion, en janvier 2008, d'un accord de paix censé mettre fin aux affrontements dans la région entre, d'une part, les forces gouvernementales et milices locales et, d'autre part, les rebelles de Nkunda, soutenus par le Rwanda voisin.
PISTES À RISQUES
Mal lui en a pris. "Mon mari a été le premier à mourir", raconte-t-elle, tapie dans un abri de fortune fait de feuilles de bananier qui fait office de foyer familial.
"Son coeur a cédé. Il ne mangeait plus. Le premier de mes enfants est mort en septembre, le deuxième en octobre", explique-t-elle, son plus jeune enfant accroché à son dos.
Trois milices rivales, l'armée nationale et les rebelles occupent des positions sur les collines qui surplombent Masisi.
Ces groupes, parmi lesquels figurent des rebelles hutus qui ont participé au génocide des Tutsis en 1994 au Rwanda, se disputent le contrôle des pistes boueuses qui serpentent à travers ces collines.
Des éléments armés écument ces lacets de latérite, stratégiques pour l'acheminement de l'aide médicale de l'ONG Médecins sans frontières aux dispensaires locaux, fréquemment pillés.
"Chaque fois qu'il prennent la route, les gens prennent un risque", souligne Emma Zoratti, responsable de l'antenne de MSF à Masisi.
Les personnels médicaux ont évacué de nombreuses zones d'affrontements au Nord-Kivu, où chaque mouvement de réfugiés accroît les risques d'épidémies mortelles.
Mais parfois les civils déplacés ont trop peur pour venir se faire soigner. "Ils ne viennent pas. Même quand leurs enfants sont très malades, ils ne viennent tout simplement pas", explique Emma Zoratti.
"Ceux qui arrivent finalement sont souvent en trop mauvais état pour être sauvés", déplore-t-elle.
PLUS LA FORCE DE PLEURER
Le conflit dans l'ex-Congo-belge, nourri par des haines ethniques et la convoitise de ses richesses minérales, est considéré comme le plus sanglant depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale.
La plupart des morts sont des victimes indirectes des combats. Elles succombent à des maladies soignables comme le paludisme, la diarrhée ou le choléra, qui sont aggravées par de mauvaises conditions sanitaires et la malnutrition, autant de 'produits dérivés' du conflit.
"Ce qui a tué mon mari, ce qui a tué mes filles, est encore là. C'est la guerre", affirme Joséphine Foraha.
Dans une aile de l'hôpital de Masisi, les enfants d'un village voisin frappé par une épidémie de rougeole sont en quarantaine. Le personnel estime que ceux qui souffraient déjà de malnutrition ne survivront pas à la maladie. Les autres risquent la cécité. La plupart n'ont plus la force de pleurer.
Chaque nouvelle vague de combats inonde les salles d'opérations de l'hôpital.
Les médecins ont lutté durant des semaines pour sauver la jambe de Bananiye Hakiza, un enfant de 12 ans atteint par les balles de miliciens pro-gouvernementaux. Il les a finalement implorés de l'amputer et repose aujourd'hui sur son lit, une couverture dissimulant son moignon.
"Tant qu'il n'y aura pas de sécurité, nous ne pourrons pas regagner nos foyers. La communauté internationale nous a abandonnés", résume un résident du camp de Masisis, Gabardine Rwarakabije.
Saturday, December 6, 2008
Staline, le retour d'une icône
Publié le 03 décembre 2008
Image
Dans une petite église orthodoxe de la banlieue de Saint-Pétersbourg,
une icône pas comme les autres a trouvé sa place, sous le regard
bienveillant des fidèles : elle représente Staline, imposant, aux
côtés d'une sainte.
L'icône a été commandée par un homme d'affaires, Alexandre Evseev, qui
l'a offerte en septembre à l'église de la Sainte Princesse Olga à
Strelna, à quelques encablures de la résidence d'été du tsar
Pierre-le-Grand dans le golfe de Finlande.
Elle représente une rencontre de Joseph Staline avec la bienheureuse
Matrona de Moscou, qui aurait eu lieu dans la capitale soviétique à
l'automne 1941 quelques mois après le début de l'offensive allemande
contre l'URSS.
Selon la légende, la sainte (1881-1952) aurait alors conseillé à
Staline de ne pas quitter Moscou, alors que la Wehrmacht était aux
portes de la ville, et lui aurait promis la victoire du peuple russe
sur l'Allemagne nazie.
Sur cette icône, "le petit père des Peuples", vêtu d'un pardessus
militaire, se tient debout devant la sainte, assise près de la
fenêtre. Aveugle de naissance, Matrona Nikonova, à qui l'on attribue
des miracles, fut canonisée par l'Eglise orthodoxe après sa mort.
"J'ai commandé cette icône parce que pour moi, Staline est un grand
homme politique qui a gagné la guerre contre les nazis et créé l'Union
soviétique", confie à l'AFP Alexandre Evseev.
Il affirme avoir offert l'icône à l'église de la Sainte Princesse Olga
à Strelna en raison "de l'amour et du respect" qu'il porte à ce lieu
de culte et à son prêtre Evstafi.
Cette petite église, à laquelle on ne peut accéder qu'après un
kilomètre de sentier à pied à travers un vieux parc, est très
fréquentée. Des dizaines de personnes y affluent le samedi et le
dimanche, attirées par la personnalité du père Evstafi Jakov, 67 ans,
qui officie là depuis huit ans.
"Je ne connais aucun prêtre qui soit aussi bon, simple, sensible et
pur que le père Evstafi", affirme Lidia Nikolaïeva, 55 ans. "S'il a
accepté cette icône, il sait pourquoi", dit-elle, tout en assurant ne
pas être "du tout staliniste".
Viatcheslav, un homme d'affaire d'une trentaine années, affirme lui
aussi être loin d'admirer Staline mais se refuse néanmoins à tout
jugement négatif sur l'icône.
"Pour moi c'est la représentation d'un épisode historique de la vie de
la sainte Matrona de Moscou", dit-t-il. "Je ne peux pas juger le credo
politique du père Evstafi, c'est une personnalité unique,
exceptionnelle, qui fait beaucoup de bien", conclut Viatcheslav.
"Si cela pose problème à batiouchka (père) Evstafi, je retirerai mon
icône", ajoute Alexandre Evseev dans une allusion à plusieurs articles
sur le sujet dans la presse.
Le père Evstafi, un homme grand et maigre à la longue barbe grise, ne
cache pas pour sa part sa sympathie envers Staline et sa surprise
devant "tant de bruit autour de cette icône".
"Il y a deux types d'icônes : celles représentant des saints et celles
sur des événements liés à la vie des saints", explique-t-il à l'AFP.
'Ce n'est pas une icône de Staline, c'est une icône de la bienheureuse
Matrona", dit-il.
"En ce qui concerne Staline, pour moi c'est un vrai père du peuple,
qui a créé un Etat fort et une société morale. Après sa mort, la
Nation a perdu son père et est devenu orpheline. Je voudrais que
Staline revienne", lance le père Evstafi.
Pour nombre de Russes, Staline reste avant tout l'artisan de la
victoire sur les nazis, source d'une immense fierté nationale, et de
l'empire soviétique, de Berlin-Est à Vladivostok, aujourd'hui défunt.
Près de la moitié des Russes (47%) ont une perception positive de
Staline, contre moins d'un tiers (29%) d'avis négatifs, selon un des
derniers sondages sur la question publié en février 2006 par
l'institut d'opinion russe FOM.
Source : http://fr.news.yahoo.com
Image
Dans une petite église orthodoxe de la banlieue de Saint-Pétersbourg,
une icône pas comme les autres a trouvé sa place, sous le regard
bienveillant des fidèles : elle représente Staline, imposant, aux
côtés d'une sainte.
L'icône a été commandée par un homme d'affaires, Alexandre Evseev, qui
l'a offerte en septembre à l'église de la Sainte Princesse Olga à
Strelna, à quelques encablures de la résidence d'été du tsar
Pierre-le-Grand dans le golfe de Finlande.
Elle représente une rencontre de Joseph Staline avec la bienheureuse
Matrona de Moscou, qui aurait eu lieu dans la capitale soviétique à
l'automne 1941 quelques mois après le début de l'offensive allemande
contre l'URSS.
Selon la légende, la sainte (1881-1952) aurait alors conseillé à
Staline de ne pas quitter Moscou, alors que la Wehrmacht était aux
portes de la ville, et lui aurait promis la victoire du peuple russe
sur l'Allemagne nazie.
Sur cette icône, "le petit père des Peuples", vêtu d'un pardessus
militaire, se tient debout devant la sainte, assise près de la
fenêtre. Aveugle de naissance, Matrona Nikonova, à qui l'on attribue
des miracles, fut canonisée par l'Eglise orthodoxe après sa mort.
"J'ai commandé cette icône parce que pour moi, Staline est un grand
homme politique qui a gagné la guerre contre les nazis et créé l'Union
soviétique", confie à l'AFP Alexandre Evseev.
Il affirme avoir offert l'icône à l'église de la Sainte Princesse Olga
à Strelna en raison "de l'amour et du respect" qu'il porte à ce lieu
de culte et à son prêtre Evstafi.
Cette petite église, à laquelle on ne peut accéder qu'après un
kilomètre de sentier à pied à travers un vieux parc, est très
fréquentée. Des dizaines de personnes y affluent le samedi et le
dimanche, attirées par la personnalité du père Evstafi Jakov, 67 ans,
qui officie là depuis huit ans.
"Je ne connais aucun prêtre qui soit aussi bon, simple, sensible et
pur que le père Evstafi", affirme Lidia Nikolaïeva, 55 ans. "S'il a
accepté cette icône, il sait pourquoi", dit-elle, tout en assurant ne
pas être "du tout staliniste".
Viatcheslav, un homme d'affaire d'une trentaine années, affirme lui
aussi être loin d'admirer Staline mais se refuse néanmoins à tout
jugement négatif sur l'icône.
"Pour moi c'est la représentation d'un épisode historique de la vie de
la sainte Matrona de Moscou", dit-t-il. "Je ne peux pas juger le credo
politique du père Evstafi, c'est une personnalité unique,
exceptionnelle, qui fait beaucoup de bien", conclut Viatcheslav.
"Si cela pose problème à batiouchka (père) Evstafi, je retirerai mon
icône", ajoute Alexandre Evseev dans une allusion à plusieurs articles
sur le sujet dans la presse.
Le père Evstafi, un homme grand et maigre à la longue barbe grise, ne
cache pas pour sa part sa sympathie envers Staline et sa surprise
devant "tant de bruit autour de cette icône".
"Il y a deux types d'icônes : celles représentant des saints et celles
sur des événements liés à la vie des saints", explique-t-il à l'AFP.
'Ce n'est pas une icône de Staline, c'est une icône de la bienheureuse
Matrona", dit-il.
"En ce qui concerne Staline, pour moi c'est un vrai père du peuple,
qui a créé un Etat fort et une société morale. Après sa mort, la
Nation a perdu son père et est devenu orpheline. Je voudrais que
Staline revienne", lance le père Evstafi.
Pour nombre de Russes, Staline reste avant tout l'artisan de la
victoire sur les nazis, source d'une immense fierté nationale, et de
l'empire soviétique, de Berlin-Est à Vladivostok, aujourd'hui défunt.
Près de la moitié des Russes (47%) ont une perception positive de
Staline, contre moins d'un tiers (29%) d'avis négatifs, selon un des
derniers sondages sur la question publié en février 2006 par
l'institut d'opinion russe FOM.
Source : http://fr.news.yahoo.com
RDCongo: Hutu rwandais et congolais réunis contre "l'envahisseur tutsi"
NYAMILIMA — On les appelle les "F". Sur ce bout de route perdue de la province du Nord-Kivu, dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC), les paysans, toujours prudents, hésitent à désigner les rebelles hutu rwandais par leur nom.
A la faveur d'un retrait des rebelles congolais du Tutsi Laurent Nkunda, les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR) ont repris cette semaine le contrôle d'une route menant à la frontière ougandaise.
Bottes de caoutchouc, armement conséquent et la plupart en treillis vert olive, les FDLR patrouillent entre les localités de Kiwanja et Nyamilima (80 et 120 km au nord de Goma).
Presqu'aucun véhicule ne circule dans cette zone contestée, abandonnée par l'armée régulière et où pullulent les groupes armés plus ou moins identifiés. Pas de Casques bleus non plus à l'horizon.
"C'est sécurisé!", assure un milicien qui se proclame fièrement "FDLR", occupé, à l'ombre d'un manguier, à regarder les paysannes en pagnes revenant des champs.
Après avoir fui par milliers jusqu'en Ouganda l'avancée des hommes de Nkunda, la population miséreuse -- majoritairement hutu congolaise mais d'expression rwandophone -- vaque de nouveau à ses occupations.
Les FDLR, dont certains ont participé au génocide de 1994 au Rwanda, sont installés dans la région depuis des années, avec pour éternel projet de rentrer chez eux combattre le régime de Paul Kagame.
Les villageois les connaissent. Comme cette femme pliée sous un lourd sac de bois qui, sans hésitation, désigne un groupe de miliciens assis devant une casemate de boue séchée: "là: c'est FDLR".
Les rebelles rwandais se partagent le contrôle de cette partie du Nord-Kivu avec un autre groupe armé, frère jumeau et acteur local incontournable, les Patriotes résistants congolais (Pareco).
Disciplinés, bien équipés, vêtus d'uniformes impeccables et semblables eux aussi à ceux de l'armée congolaise, les Pareco contrôlaient jeudi le bourg de Nyamilima.
En majorité Hutu, anciens membres des forces gouvernementales, les Pareco se disent alliés à Kinshasa. "Nous avons pour objectif de défendre les populations menacées par les envahisseurs tutsi venus du Rwanda", explique le colonel James Nzita Kanyana, commandant de la "7e brigade" du territoire de Rutshuru.
Protégé par une dizaine d'hommes en armes lui obéissant au doigt et à l'oeil, ce quadragénaire reçoit dans les locaux de la paroisse de Nyamilima après en avoir aimablement demandé l'autorisation au curé. "Nous sommes Congolais", affirme-t-il, rejetant tout amalgame avec les FDLR.
"Chaque groupe a son organisation, mais nous collaborons parfois: nous pouvons intervenir en renfort pour soutenir l'un ou l'autre, car nous combattons le même ennemi".
En apparence, presque rien ne distingue les Pareco de leurs compagnons d'armes rwandais, si ce n'est peut-être leur béret vert. Comme pour alimenter un peu plus la confusion, certains Pareco, interrogés en kinyarwanda, reconnaissent être membres des FDLR et s'expriment avec un fort accent rwandais.
Pour le colonel Kanyana, ce sont ses éléments Pareco qui contrôlent la route jusqu'à Kiwanja. Alors pourquoi s'y présentent-ils comme FDLR ? Les rebelles hutu rwandais "sont présents dans la zone", concède-t-il avec une certaine gêne.
Sous couvert d'anonymat, un notable local avoue s'y perdre un peu lui même. "Tous ces groupes changent souvent d'étiquette en fonction des opérations ou de leurs interlocuteurs. Les FDLR ont mauvaise réputation, ils veulent se camoufler".
Mais une chose est sûre: à côté des miliciens Maï-Maï réputés pour leur indiscipline, et autres "bandits" qui se promènent dans la brousse, "les FDLR et leur doubles des Pareco sont de vrais militaires, disciplinés et efficaces".
Vendredi à Goma, les gouvernements congolais et rwandais ont approuvé un plan militaire conjoint contre les FDLR. Ce plan ne prévoit pas d'actions contre les Parecos. Mais, en prévision de cette opération, les Parecos ont été clairement sommés par Kinshasa de se désolidariser des rebelles rwandais, selon un haut responsable congolais. Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
A la faveur d'un retrait des rebelles congolais du Tutsi Laurent Nkunda, les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR) ont repris cette semaine le contrôle d'une route menant à la frontière ougandaise.
Bottes de caoutchouc, armement conséquent et la plupart en treillis vert olive, les FDLR patrouillent entre les localités de Kiwanja et Nyamilima (80 et 120 km au nord de Goma).
Presqu'aucun véhicule ne circule dans cette zone contestée, abandonnée par l'armée régulière et où pullulent les groupes armés plus ou moins identifiés. Pas de Casques bleus non plus à l'horizon.
"C'est sécurisé!", assure un milicien qui se proclame fièrement "FDLR", occupé, à l'ombre d'un manguier, à regarder les paysannes en pagnes revenant des champs.
Après avoir fui par milliers jusqu'en Ouganda l'avancée des hommes de Nkunda, la population miséreuse -- majoritairement hutu congolaise mais d'expression rwandophone -- vaque de nouveau à ses occupations.
Les FDLR, dont certains ont participé au génocide de 1994 au Rwanda, sont installés dans la région depuis des années, avec pour éternel projet de rentrer chez eux combattre le régime de Paul Kagame.
Les villageois les connaissent. Comme cette femme pliée sous un lourd sac de bois qui, sans hésitation, désigne un groupe de miliciens assis devant une casemate de boue séchée: "là: c'est FDLR".
Les rebelles rwandais se partagent le contrôle de cette partie du Nord-Kivu avec un autre groupe armé, frère jumeau et acteur local incontournable, les Patriotes résistants congolais (Pareco).
Disciplinés, bien équipés, vêtus d'uniformes impeccables et semblables eux aussi à ceux de l'armée congolaise, les Pareco contrôlaient jeudi le bourg de Nyamilima.
En majorité Hutu, anciens membres des forces gouvernementales, les Pareco se disent alliés à Kinshasa. "Nous avons pour objectif de défendre les populations menacées par les envahisseurs tutsi venus du Rwanda", explique le colonel James Nzita Kanyana, commandant de la "7e brigade" du territoire de Rutshuru.
Protégé par une dizaine d'hommes en armes lui obéissant au doigt et à l'oeil, ce quadragénaire reçoit dans les locaux de la paroisse de Nyamilima après en avoir aimablement demandé l'autorisation au curé. "Nous sommes Congolais", affirme-t-il, rejetant tout amalgame avec les FDLR.
"Chaque groupe a son organisation, mais nous collaborons parfois: nous pouvons intervenir en renfort pour soutenir l'un ou l'autre, car nous combattons le même ennemi".
En apparence, presque rien ne distingue les Pareco de leurs compagnons d'armes rwandais, si ce n'est peut-être leur béret vert. Comme pour alimenter un peu plus la confusion, certains Pareco, interrogés en kinyarwanda, reconnaissent être membres des FDLR et s'expriment avec un fort accent rwandais.
Pour le colonel Kanyana, ce sont ses éléments Pareco qui contrôlent la route jusqu'à Kiwanja. Alors pourquoi s'y présentent-ils comme FDLR ? Les rebelles hutu rwandais "sont présents dans la zone", concède-t-il avec une certaine gêne.
Sous couvert d'anonymat, un notable local avoue s'y perdre un peu lui même. "Tous ces groupes changent souvent d'étiquette en fonction des opérations ou de leurs interlocuteurs. Les FDLR ont mauvaise réputation, ils veulent se camoufler".
Mais une chose est sûre: à côté des miliciens Maï-Maï réputés pour leur indiscipline, et autres "bandits" qui se promènent dans la brousse, "les FDLR et leur doubles des Pareco sont de vrais militaires, disciplinés et efficaces".
Vendredi à Goma, les gouvernements congolais et rwandais ont approuvé un plan militaire conjoint contre les FDLR. Ce plan ne prévoit pas d'actions contre les Parecos. Mais, en prévision de cette opération, les Parecos ont été clairement sommés par Kinshasa de se désolidariser des rebelles rwandais, selon un haut responsable congolais. Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Thursday, November 20, 2008
Rose Kabuye arrives in France
BY JAMES KARUHANGA AND FELLY KIMENYI
PARIS - The Director of State Protocol Rose Kabuye, who was recently arrested in Germany, was yesterday transferred to France. Members of the Rwandan Community in France standing outside the Palais de Justice in Paris, France confirmed this, moments after she was reportedly secretly and swiftly whisked into court by French police.
“We were not able to see her as she was hurriedly and secretly rushed into court on arrival here,” Nido Uwera, one of the Rwandans outside the Palais de Justice told The New Times on phone.
Uwera said that they were waiting anxiously to hear the outcome of Kabuye’s first court appearance. She also revealed that the Rwandans in France had earlier been given the go ahead to demonstrate against Kabuye’s arrest.
“We were given permission by the authorities here to protest come this Saturday. We are now planning for the rally.”
Immaculée Rahmatali, another Rwandan waiting outside the court building, also emphatically stated that they would wait till they heard what came out of her first court appearance.
“She is ours and she is innocent and we will wait here until we hear whatever comes out,” she said.
“This is a sad day in the history of international justice, a sad time for diplomacy and the International Justice is in jeopardy,” declared Justice Minister Tharcisse Karugarama during a live media debate on Kabuye’s arrest yesterday.
“This is about Rose, it’s about Rwanda and it’s about Africa but there is a light at the end of the tunnel because this case is going to unearth many things that have been hidden,” said Foreign Affairs Minister, Rosemary Museminali, who also attended the debate.
Kabuye’s transfer to France coincided with massive protests in Kigali and all over the country and hundreds of thousands converged before the German Embassy condemning the country for what they called an illegitimate arrest.
“The government and the people of Rwanda would like to reiterate their unequivocal demand to have Kabuye unconditionally released as she is an innocent political hostage and we call upon the Federal Republic of Germany and France to cease the judicial harassment of Rwandan officials,” said a government statement read by Mushikiwabo.
Government also reemphasised the request a few months ago by the African Union calling for an imposition of a moratorium on all the indictments against Rwandan officials which officials say, were politically motivated.
From a legal point of view, international law doesn’t permit any foreign judge to indict someone from a different country unless the criminal is an international terrorist…downing of that plane, as unfortunate as it was, could not in any way qualify for an international terror attack,” said Karugarama, who is also the country’s Attorney General.
He added: “Actually, Bruguiere’s method of work was more of terrorist in nature because his report is a political statement full of hate and racist language…it’s like a social research not a judicial document.”
Following the arrest, Rwanda decided to send home Christian Clages, the German Ambassador to Rwanda and recalled Rwanda’s ambassador from Berlin.
Reacting on the next step the government plans to take regarding the diplomatic impasse, Museminali said that this would depend on how Berlin reacts to the arrest.
Immediately after her arrest on November 9, Kabuye opted for her trial to be held in France from where the indictments leading to her illegal arrest were issued.
Kabuye’s arrest in Germany was on the basis of an arrest warrant stemming from controversial and widely condemned indictments by French Judge, Jean Louis Bruguière. He falsely claims that she played a role in the downing of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana’s plane.
PARIS - The Director of State Protocol Rose Kabuye, who was recently arrested in Germany, was yesterday transferred to France. Members of the Rwandan Community in France standing outside the Palais de Justice in Paris, France confirmed this, moments after she was reportedly secretly and swiftly whisked into court by French police.
“We were not able to see her as she was hurriedly and secretly rushed into court on arrival here,” Nido Uwera, one of the Rwandans outside the Palais de Justice told The New Times on phone.
Uwera said that they were waiting anxiously to hear the outcome of Kabuye’s first court appearance. She also revealed that the Rwandans in France had earlier been given the go ahead to demonstrate against Kabuye’s arrest.
“We were given permission by the authorities here to protest come this Saturday. We are now planning for the rally.”
Immaculée Rahmatali, another Rwandan waiting outside the court building, also emphatically stated that they would wait till they heard what came out of her first court appearance.
“She is ours and she is innocent and we will wait here until we hear whatever comes out,” she said.
“This is a sad day in the history of international justice, a sad time for diplomacy and the International Justice is in jeopardy,” declared Justice Minister Tharcisse Karugarama during a live media debate on Kabuye’s arrest yesterday.
“This is about Rose, it’s about Rwanda and it’s about Africa but there is a light at the end of the tunnel because this case is going to unearth many things that have been hidden,” said Foreign Affairs Minister, Rosemary Museminali, who also attended the debate.
Kabuye’s transfer to France coincided with massive protests in Kigali and all over the country and hundreds of thousands converged before the German Embassy condemning the country for what they called an illegitimate arrest.
“The government and the people of Rwanda would like to reiterate their unequivocal demand to have Kabuye unconditionally released as she is an innocent political hostage and we call upon the Federal Republic of Germany and France to cease the judicial harassment of Rwandan officials,” said a government statement read by Mushikiwabo.
Government also reemphasised the request a few months ago by the African Union calling for an imposition of a moratorium on all the indictments against Rwandan officials which officials say, were politically motivated.
From a legal point of view, international law doesn’t permit any foreign judge to indict someone from a different country unless the criminal is an international terrorist…downing of that plane, as unfortunate as it was, could not in any way qualify for an international terror attack,” said Karugarama, who is also the country’s Attorney General.
He added: “Actually, Bruguiere’s method of work was more of terrorist in nature because his report is a political statement full of hate and racist language…it’s like a social research not a judicial document.”
Following the arrest, Rwanda decided to send home Christian Clages, the German Ambassador to Rwanda and recalled Rwanda’s ambassador from Berlin.
Reacting on the next step the government plans to take regarding the diplomatic impasse, Museminali said that this would depend on how Berlin reacts to the arrest.
Immediately after her arrest on November 9, Kabuye opted for her trial to be held in France from where the indictments leading to her illegal arrest were issued.
Kabuye’s arrest in Germany was on the basis of an arrest warrant stemming from controversial and widely condemned indictments by French Judge, Jean Louis Bruguière. He falsely claims that she played a role in the downing of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana’s plane.
Rwandans walk with Kabuye to France
BY SAM NKURUNZIZA
The mood in Rwanda was sombre as Rose Kabuye, Director of State Protocol was transferred to France yesterday. There, she is expected to answer charges of an alleged role in the shooting down of the plane carrying former president of Rwanda Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994. She was arrested on Sunday while on official state duty.
People from all over Kigali endured the rain that washed the city and stormed the streets in peaceful demonstrations that climaxed at different points in the city.
The demonstrations were a simultaneous undertaking all over the country denouncing the widely condemned arrest that has also attracted attention from the wider international community.
Carrying banners bearing different messages attacking the arrest, the people were visibly angry with Germany and France for what they called a tactic to blur the role of the French in the 1994 Tutsi Genocide.
“Rose Kabuye is innocent and ready to prove it,” read a banner carried along by workers of Banque Populaire.
“We want justice for Rwandan people. Perpetrators of the Genocide should not live freely in Europe as you arrest our heroes,” read another banner carried by residents of Kicukiro district who also converged at the German embassy.
The demonstrations that lasted over six hours were also joined by children shouting and chanting slogans demanding for the immediate release of Kabuye.
“We want our Rose back, we want our Rose back,” they chanted.
Gary Geddes, a Canadian writer and poet was overwhelmed at how peaceful but meaningful the walk was.
“It was a good demonstration but I would have preferred if people were holding political talks and dialogue to see how to resolve the Kabuye saga,” she said.
Geddes, however, noted that if you talk and people do not respond, it is normal for Rwandans to react the way they are. Shops, restaurants, supermarkets and all public places were closed down to show solidarity against the heavily contested arrest.
Geddes who is researching for a book he is writing about Sub-Saharan Africa emphasised that such actions by Africans were necessary in order to command respect from the western world.
Ends
The mood in Rwanda was sombre as Rose Kabuye, Director of State Protocol was transferred to France yesterday. There, she is expected to answer charges of an alleged role in the shooting down of the plane carrying former president of Rwanda Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994. She was arrested on Sunday while on official state duty.
People from all over Kigali endured the rain that washed the city and stormed the streets in peaceful demonstrations that climaxed at different points in the city.
The demonstrations were a simultaneous undertaking all over the country denouncing the widely condemned arrest that has also attracted attention from the wider international community.
Carrying banners bearing different messages attacking the arrest, the people were visibly angry with Germany and France for what they called a tactic to blur the role of the French in the 1994 Tutsi Genocide.
“Rose Kabuye is innocent and ready to prove it,” read a banner carried along by workers of Banque Populaire.
“We want justice for Rwandan people. Perpetrators of the Genocide should not live freely in Europe as you arrest our heroes,” read another banner carried by residents of Kicukiro district who also converged at the German embassy.
The demonstrations that lasted over six hours were also joined by children shouting and chanting slogans demanding for the immediate release of Kabuye.
“We want our Rose back, we want our Rose back,” they chanted.
Gary Geddes, a Canadian writer and poet was overwhelmed at how peaceful but meaningful the walk was.
“It was a good demonstration but I would have preferred if people were holding political talks and dialogue to see how to resolve the Kabuye saga,” she said.
Geddes, however, noted that if you talk and people do not respond, it is normal for Rwandans to react the way they are. Shops, restaurants, supermarkets and all public places were closed down to show solidarity against the heavily contested arrest.
Geddes who is researching for a book he is writing about Sub-Saharan Africa emphasised that such actions by Africans were necessary in order to command respect from the western world.
Ends
Rwanda aide questioned in France
A senior Rwandan presidential aide has been placed under formal investigation in Paris over the killing of a former Rwandan president.
Rose Kabuye was extradited to France from Germany. She was detained in Frankfurt last week.
She is one of nine officials accused of involvement in the shooting down of Juvenal Habyarimana's plane in 1994, which helped trigger Rwanda's genocide.
She has denied any involvement and her arrest has led to protests in Rwanda.
Ms Kabuye is a popular figure in Rwanda and, on Wednesday, thousands of people turned out for what appeared to be highly organised demonstrations against her extradition in Rwanda's capital, Kigali.
"People of Rwanda have come together once again to appeal to the international community to join us in denouncing this political manipulation of international justice by certain Western countries," said one protester.
French officials took charge of Ms Kabuye in Frankfurt, and she was flown to Charles de Gaulle airport in Paris aboard an Air France jet.
From there she was transferred to the main law courts in Paris to appear before anti-terrorist judge Marc Trevidic, Ms Kabuye's lawyer Bernard Maingain told the AFP news agency.
Judicial officials confirmed she had been put under judicial investigation - in effect, charged - with "complicity in murder in relation to terrorism".
'Illegal and flawed'
Correspondents say Ms Kabuye, a former guerrilla fighter with the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), now Rwanda's ruling party, has heroic status in Rwanda.
People demonstrate in support of Rose Kabuye, in Kigali, Rwanda (19/11/2008)
Correspondents said the Kigali protests did not appear spontaneous
She has served as an MP and mayor of Kigali, and is one of President Paul Kagame's closest aides.
Mr Kagame has condemned the arrest, claiming Ms Kabuye held diplomatic immunity.
Rwandan Foreign Minister Rosemary Museminali has described the arrest of Ms Kabuye as "illegal and flawed".
She told the BBC on Monday that the arrest had been "based on politically motivated information".
The plane carrying President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was shot down on 6 April 1994, as Mr Kagame's Tutsi rebels were advancing on Kigali.
The two French pilots and the president of Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira, were also killed.
The Hutu extremist government accused the RPF of the assassination. Within hours, militias set up roadblocks and started to systematically murder any Tutsis or moderate Hutus they could find.
The RPF has always accused the Hutu extremists of shooting down the plane, to provide a pretext for carrying out their genocidal plans.
Some 800,000 people were slaughtered in just 100 days before Mr Kagame's forces ousted the Hutu government.
Rose Kabuye was extradited to France from Germany. She was detained in Frankfurt last week.
She is one of nine officials accused of involvement in the shooting down of Juvenal Habyarimana's plane in 1994, which helped trigger Rwanda's genocide.
She has denied any involvement and her arrest has led to protests in Rwanda.
Ms Kabuye is a popular figure in Rwanda and, on Wednesday, thousands of people turned out for what appeared to be highly organised demonstrations against her extradition in Rwanda's capital, Kigali.
"People of Rwanda have come together once again to appeal to the international community to join us in denouncing this political manipulation of international justice by certain Western countries," said one protester.
French officials took charge of Ms Kabuye in Frankfurt, and she was flown to Charles de Gaulle airport in Paris aboard an Air France jet.
From there she was transferred to the main law courts in Paris to appear before anti-terrorist judge Marc Trevidic, Ms Kabuye's lawyer Bernard Maingain told the AFP news agency.
Judicial officials confirmed she had been put under judicial investigation - in effect, charged - with "complicity in murder in relation to terrorism".
'Illegal and flawed'
Correspondents say Ms Kabuye, a former guerrilla fighter with the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), now Rwanda's ruling party, has heroic status in Rwanda.
People demonstrate in support of Rose Kabuye, in Kigali, Rwanda (19/11/2008)
Correspondents said the Kigali protests did not appear spontaneous
She has served as an MP and mayor of Kigali, and is one of President Paul Kagame's closest aides.
Mr Kagame has condemned the arrest, claiming Ms Kabuye held diplomatic immunity.
Rwandan Foreign Minister Rosemary Museminali has described the arrest of Ms Kabuye as "illegal and flawed".
She told the BBC on Monday that the arrest had been "based on politically motivated information".
The plane carrying President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was shot down on 6 April 1994, as Mr Kagame's Tutsi rebels were advancing on Kigali.
The two French pilots and the president of Burundi, Cyprien Ntaryamira, were also killed.
The Hutu extremist government accused the RPF of the assassination. Within hours, militias set up roadblocks and started to systematically murder any Tutsis or moderate Hutus they could find.
The RPF has always accused the Hutu extremists of shooting down the plane, to provide a pretext for carrying out their genocidal plans.
Some 800,000 people were slaughtered in just 100 days before Mr Kagame's forces ousted the Hutu government.
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