Football - Coupe du monde 2010
Selon nos informations, Vahid Halilhodzic a été démis de ses fonctions de sélectionneur de la Côte d'Ivoire. Une conférence de presse prévue va officialiser la nouvelle. Le Bosniaque paie l'élimination en quarts de finale de la CAN. Le Néerlandais Guus Hiddink le remplacera comme "pigiste".
Il fallait s'y attendre. Quand on vise - légitimement - le titre de la CAN et qu'on s'arrête en quarts de finale, ça fait désordre. Les instances ivoiriennes n'ont pas attendue bien longtemps d'ailleurs, après la compétition, pour annoncer qu'il faudrait sans doute un nouveau sélectionneur aux Eléphants pour briller lors de la Coupe du monde en juin. Cette fois, c'est sûr, ce ne sera pas Vahid Halilhodzic. Le Bosniaque, arrivé en mai 2008 et qui avait qualifié les Ivoiriens pour l'Afrique du Sud, a été officiellement démis de ses fonctions ce samedi par le président Jacques Anouma.
Pour guider les Elephants lors du Mondial, plusieurs noms circulaient. Ceux d'Eric Gerets (ex-OM) et de Guus Hiddink revenaient le plus souvent. Mais c'est le Néerlandais qui a été choisi. L'ex-entraîneur de Chelsea est pourtant sous contrat avec la Fédération russe jusqu'en juin et s'est engagé, pour la suite, avec la Turquie. Mais il a dû trouver un arrangement pour que sa mission sur les rives du Bosphore ne débute qu'en septembre car selon nos informations, c'est une pige qu'il effectuera en Afrique du Sud. Sa mission? Aller le plus loin possible, au moins en 8e de finale, ce qui serait une première pour la Côte d'Ivoire dans l'épreuve.
Sa tâche ne sera pas aisée avec le Brésil et le Portugal comme principaux adversaires mais Hiddink a de l'expérience et ses résultats comme sélectionneur ne sont plus à démontrer: demi-finale de la Coupe du monde avec la Corée du Sud en 2002, 8e de finale avec l'Australie en 2006 et demi-finale de l'Euro 2008 avec la Russie. En outre, le talent (Drogba, Kalou, Koné, Touré, Keita) est présent dans l'équipe. Reste à savoir comment ces joueurs-là auront digéré l'échec de la CAN en Angola et comment, d'ici juin, sans vraiment y être, il pourra préparer au mieux les Eléphants. D'ailleurs, il ne sera sans doute pas sur le banc à Londres mercredi, pour le match amical face à la Corée du Sud.
Saturday, February 27, 2010
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Friday, 26 February 2010 20:09
Goma: Attirés par les activités commerciales de Goma, la grande ville du Nord Kivu, de jeunes Rwandais traversent chaque matin la frontière qui sépare leur pays de la RD Congo pour tenter d'y gagner de quoi se nourrir. Ils s’ajoutent ainsi aux enfants de la rue congolais que les autorités et Ong ont bien du mal à prendre en charge.
Très tôt le matin des enfants rwandais se faufilent entre les maisons qui s'enchevêtrent le long de la frontière entre Gisenyi au Rwanda et Goma en RD Congo. Ils évitent ainsi les formalités douanières qui commencent à 7 h et sont de bonne heure dans cette ville, grand carrefour commercial du Nord-Kivu à l'Est de la RDC, où ils viennent chercher de quoi se nourrir.
"Nous avons commencé à constater le passage régulier des enfants de la rue rwandais vers la ville de Goma l’année passée, avec le renforcement des liens entre les deux pays et la libre circulation des biens et des personnes. Il nous est difficile de contrôler leurs mouvements, à l’entrée comme à la sortie, car peu sont ceux qui empruntent les voies autorisées", indique André Masumbuko, agent du service des migrations à la frontière congolaise.
Petits boulots
Commerçants, transporteurs, porteurs et enfants de la rue, tous trouvent leurs comptes dans cette ville. Chaque jour, elle accueille un flux important de véhicules venus du port de Mombasa au Kenya et Dar es Salam en Tanzanie avec des marchandises de divers continents.
C’est aussi là, principalement dans les dépôts du quartier de Birere, que sont déchargés les produits vivriers et manufacturés en provenance du Nord du pays et des villages voisins. Des biens qui seront ensuite acheminés vers les différents marchés du pays, du Rwanda ou du Burundi.
"Ici à Goma au moins nous trouvons à manger et nous rentrons à Gisenyi, au Rwanda, le soir avec un petit quelque chose grâce aux petits boulots que nous faisons. Chez nous il y a moins d’activités commerciales, les porteurs s’arrachent les colis entre eux et nous repoussent. Ils nous disent que ce n’est pas notre boulot", déclare Buregeya, 11 ans, enfant de la rue rwandais. Les plus âgés lavent des voitures et des motos, transportent des colis … "
Après un service, les gens nous donnent 100 ou 200 Fc (de 0,10 $ à 0,22 $). C’est avec ça qu’on se débrouille", affirme Kazungu, âgé de 10 ans. Les plus jeunes, moins forts, abordent les passants, le regard implorant, miné par la faim.
Si vous feignez de ne pas les voir, ils vous poursuivent de leurs jérémiades : "j’ai faim papa, j’ai faim…".
Les enfants rwandais et congolais se confondent, ils sont habillés de la même façon et connaissent bien le swahili (langue la plus parlée à Goma). "Nous les reconnaissons seulement lorsqu’ils parlent entre eux en kinyarwanda (langue rwandaise)", témoigne Alphonsine Masika, commerçante propriétaire d’un dépôt de vivres et produits manufacturés.
Freiner l’afflux
Le Commandant de la Police urbaine souligne que : "l’afflux des enfants rwandais est venu empirer la situation déjà précaire des enfants de la rue de la ville". Deux centres d’hébergement prennent en charge depuis quelques années les enfants de la rue congolais : le centre CAJED (Concert d’Action pour Jeunes et Enfants défavorisés) situé à 5 km du centre-ville et le Centre Don Bosco, proche de Goma, appartenant aux missionnaires Salésiens. Mais faute de moyens suffisants, ceux-ci sont souvent abandonnés à eux-mêmes.
"En 2009, avec nos petits moyens, nous n’avons pu accueillir que 125 locataires", confie frère Mario, Responsable du Centre Don Bosco. La ville y va de ses initiatives aussi comme l’explique son Maire, Rachidi Tumbula : "L’année passée, avec le concours de la police urbaine j’avais déplacé un bon nombre d’enfants de la rue vers un centre que nous avions installé à Mushaki, village situé à 35 km de la ville, mais les Ong et certains organismes internationaux qui nous avaient promis leur concours n’ont pas respecté leurs promesses. Lorsqu’il y a eu coupure brusque de l’assistance en vivres, ces enfants ont regagné Goma".
Pour les associations des droits de l’homme qui oeuvrent dans la province du Nord-Kivu, le gouvernement, avec l’aide des organismes internationaux et les Ong locales, devraient tout d’abord freiner l’arrivée des enfants, en collaboration avec le gouvernement rwandais, et ensuite récupérer ceux de Goma pour les initier à des métiers.
"La tâche n’est pas des moindres mais avec de la bonne volonté et des efforts conjoints, on peut aboutir au résultat escompté", conclut Maundu Djeton, activiste des droits de l’homme et Président urbain de la Socinoki (Société Civile du Nord-Kivu).
Syfia Grands Lacs
Goma: Attirés par les activités commerciales de Goma, la grande ville du Nord Kivu, de jeunes Rwandais traversent chaque matin la frontière qui sépare leur pays de la RD Congo pour tenter d'y gagner de quoi se nourrir. Ils s’ajoutent ainsi aux enfants de la rue congolais que les autorités et Ong ont bien du mal à prendre en charge.
Très tôt le matin des enfants rwandais se faufilent entre les maisons qui s'enchevêtrent le long de la frontière entre Gisenyi au Rwanda et Goma en RD Congo. Ils évitent ainsi les formalités douanières qui commencent à 7 h et sont de bonne heure dans cette ville, grand carrefour commercial du Nord-Kivu à l'Est de la RDC, où ils viennent chercher de quoi se nourrir.
"Nous avons commencé à constater le passage régulier des enfants de la rue rwandais vers la ville de Goma l’année passée, avec le renforcement des liens entre les deux pays et la libre circulation des biens et des personnes. Il nous est difficile de contrôler leurs mouvements, à l’entrée comme à la sortie, car peu sont ceux qui empruntent les voies autorisées", indique André Masumbuko, agent du service des migrations à la frontière congolaise.
Petits boulots
Commerçants, transporteurs, porteurs et enfants de la rue, tous trouvent leurs comptes dans cette ville. Chaque jour, elle accueille un flux important de véhicules venus du port de Mombasa au Kenya et Dar es Salam en Tanzanie avec des marchandises de divers continents.
C’est aussi là, principalement dans les dépôts du quartier de Birere, que sont déchargés les produits vivriers et manufacturés en provenance du Nord du pays et des villages voisins. Des biens qui seront ensuite acheminés vers les différents marchés du pays, du Rwanda ou du Burundi.
"Ici à Goma au moins nous trouvons à manger et nous rentrons à Gisenyi, au Rwanda, le soir avec un petit quelque chose grâce aux petits boulots que nous faisons. Chez nous il y a moins d’activités commerciales, les porteurs s’arrachent les colis entre eux et nous repoussent. Ils nous disent que ce n’est pas notre boulot", déclare Buregeya, 11 ans, enfant de la rue rwandais. Les plus âgés lavent des voitures et des motos, transportent des colis … "
Après un service, les gens nous donnent 100 ou 200 Fc (de 0,10 $ à 0,22 $). C’est avec ça qu’on se débrouille", affirme Kazungu, âgé de 10 ans. Les plus jeunes, moins forts, abordent les passants, le regard implorant, miné par la faim.
Si vous feignez de ne pas les voir, ils vous poursuivent de leurs jérémiades : "j’ai faim papa, j’ai faim…".
Les enfants rwandais et congolais se confondent, ils sont habillés de la même façon et connaissent bien le swahili (langue la plus parlée à Goma). "Nous les reconnaissons seulement lorsqu’ils parlent entre eux en kinyarwanda (langue rwandaise)", témoigne Alphonsine Masika, commerçante propriétaire d’un dépôt de vivres et produits manufacturés.
Freiner l’afflux
Le Commandant de la Police urbaine souligne que : "l’afflux des enfants rwandais est venu empirer la situation déjà précaire des enfants de la rue de la ville". Deux centres d’hébergement prennent en charge depuis quelques années les enfants de la rue congolais : le centre CAJED (Concert d’Action pour Jeunes et Enfants défavorisés) situé à 5 km du centre-ville et le Centre Don Bosco, proche de Goma, appartenant aux missionnaires Salésiens. Mais faute de moyens suffisants, ceux-ci sont souvent abandonnés à eux-mêmes.
"En 2009, avec nos petits moyens, nous n’avons pu accueillir que 125 locataires", confie frère Mario, Responsable du Centre Don Bosco. La ville y va de ses initiatives aussi comme l’explique son Maire, Rachidi Tumbula : "L’année passée, avec le concours de la police urbaine j’avais déplacé un bon nombre d’enfants de la rue vers un centre que nous avions installé à Mushaki, village situé à 35 km de la ville, mais les Ong et certains organismes internationaux qui nous avaient promis leur concours n’ont pas respecté leurs promesses. Lorsqu’il y a eu coupure brusque de l’assistance en vivres, ces enfants ont regagné Goma".
Pour les associations des droits de l’homme qui oeuvrent dans la province du Nord-Kivu, le gouvernement, avec l’aide des organismes internationaux et les Ong locales, devraient tout d’abord freiner l’arrivée des enfants, en collaboration avec le gouvernement rwandais, et ensuite récupérer ceux de Goma pour les initier à des métiers.
"La tâche n’est pas des moindres mais avec de la bonne volonté et des efforts conjoints, on peut aboutir au résultat escompté", conclut Maundu Djeton, activiste des droits de l’homme et Président urbain de la Socinoki (Société Civile du Nord-Kivu).
Syfia Grands Lacs
Linda Melvern: "No apology from Sarkozy was no surprise"
Kigali: The French president's visit is historic but a true reckoning of the role of French policy in the genocide may never be possible. During his whistle-stop visit to Rwanda, Nicolas Sarkozy made no apology for the role of France in the genocide of 1994.
A carefully worded acknowledgement that mistakes had been made, not just by France, was as far as he went. The lack of apology was no surprise. No matter the weight of evidence that has accumulated, no forgiveness is being sought – and none will be offered. The issue is simply off the agenda.
The visit, the first by a French president in 26 years, signifies the resumption of diplomatic relations severed four years ago when a French judge accused the current president of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, of involvement in the assassination of his predecessor – thereby blaming him for triggering the genocide of the Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The judge had issued international arrest warrants for nine Rwandan government officials said to have been responsible. One of those officials, Rose Kabuye, who was subsequently arrested and later released in Germany, has this week been organising the Sarkozy visit. The French judge's work is now largely discredited, with his main witnesses having retracted their testimony.
Sarkozy today visited the national memorial at Gisozi where an estimated 250,000 people are buried. The genocide lasted three months, during which time an estimated 1 million people were murdered; it had been a planned and political campaign intended to eliminate a minority, the Tutsis, to avoid power-sharing and create a "pure Hutu state". France had been the one country that had stood any chance of preventing what happened. For years France had supported Rwanda's Hutu dictatorship; the French military had armed and trained the killers and when the genocide began there were French officers embedded in the elite Rwanda army units whose troops in the first hours had eliminated Rwanda's political opposition. France had given tacit approval to the Hutu Power extremists who had formed a rogue government that would eventually create a society based on genocide.
When the Sarkozy visit was first announced, the French foreign minister, Bernard Kouchner, lost no time in saying it was time to "turn the page". The Rwandan foreign minister, Louise Mushikiwabo, seems to agree. "We have to move on," she said. Kouchner, when asked recently about the prospect of an apology, had said: "More time is needed … to understand every detail … this work is indispensable." But a true reckoning of French policy may never be possible, for the historic visit surely signifies an end to further embarrassment. In all probability, the relevant archives will probably remain firmly under lock and key. French policy was particularly secretive – the preserve of President François Mitterrand and his "Africa Unit" comprising intelligence operatives, mercenaries, businessmen and senior military officers. Its policy was unaccountable to either the French parliament or the press.
President Sarkozy and Bernard Kouchner are familiar with the Rwandan story. In 1994, Kouchner had played the role of intermediary between the French government and the force commander of the UN peacekeepers, Lieutenant General Roméo Dallaire. In one visit to Kigali, Kouchner had negotiated with one of the military leaders, Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, trying to secure the release of Rwandan orphans to fly them to Paris in time for the TV news. Kouchner had promised Bagosora that the release of the children would be an international "public relations coup".
Sarkozy was a government spokesman, and in June 1994 – after two months of widespread massacres – he appeared on French television to explain how France was going to intervene with the military Operation Turquoise in order to establish security zones to protect fleeing refugees. Sarkozy may not have been fully aware of the operation's secondary purpose, for it would ultimately provide an escape route for the Hutu Power killers – the army and the Interahamwe militia – allowing them to establish bases in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo. The hundreds of genocide suspects currently in Europe today have the French military to thank for their freedom.
So far, the only country to have held a credible inquiry into the circumstances of the genocide is Belgium whose troops – the only effective UN contingent in Rwanda – had been hastily withdrawn when the killing began. Ten years ago, the then prime minister Guy Verhofstadt had gone to Kigali and begged the people of Rwanda for forgiveness. "I accept the responsibility of my country," he said.
We are unlikely to ever hear the same from Sarkozy.
Linda Melvern is an investigative journalist and author, who worked for several years at the Evening Standard and at the Sunday Times, including on the latter's Insight team. She is also an honorary professor at the department of international politics, University of Wales, Aberystwyth. An expert on the Rwandan genocide of 1994, she has published several books on the subject, including A People Betrayed: The Role of the West in Rwanda's Genocide (2000) and Conspiracy to Murder: The Rwanda Genocide (2004)
Adapted from The Guardian, Photo from PPU
Gov't searching for fugitive Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa
Kigali: A career soldier, diplomat and most recently linked to the troubled Green Party, Lt. Gen. Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa is against back in the news for all the wrong reasons. Government says he is “on the run” in Uganda – a neighbour with which Rwanda almost went to war, RNA reports.
A government communiqué on Friday evening said the embattled Rwandan diplomat to India and renowned ex-army chief no longer represents Rwanda in Delhi with immediate effect. General Kayumba is also sought for crimes committed back home, according to the brief communiqué, also read on state TV and Radio.
The Government says he is in Uganda, but does not say how and why he got there. The statement does not also say which crimes he supposed to answer for.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has apparently also started behind-the-scenes maneuvers to have him extradited to Rwanda to answer for the yet unspecified charges, according to the government communiqué.
Last week, the soft-spoken General was in the country along with fellow other envoys for the annual ambassadors’ retreat organised by the Foreign Affairs Ministry. The line-minister Louise Mushikiwabo opened and closed the two-day meeting.
It is not yet clear if he returned to his posting in Delhi before fleeing or simply travelled to Uganda.
Green Party
The General has had his fair share of controversy. Most recently, almost all the local newspapers which brand themselves as ‘independent’ reported that a top secret dossier had been compiled by the intelligence community detailing all people behind the trouble-ridden Green Party of Rwanda.
Among those named also includes Senators, the Police Commissioner General Emmanuel Gasana and several other top former and current government officials. Perhaps the biggest shock was the naming of a senior aide to the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, by the names of Dr. John Nagenda.
Among the tens of people named in the controversial dossier – to which government has not commented, or even any of the people named, only Dr. Nagenda, said to be of Rwandan origin, has responded - denying any links to the Green Party.
However, he confirmed that he is an uncle to the Green Party leader Mr. Frank Habineza, for who he even paid tuition at some point.
Army chief
Before the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) rebels captured power in 1994, Colonel Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa was the Commanding Officer of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) in the rebel ranks. He would be brought in to battle the ousted government army and interahamwe for several years. Brigade 221 which Nyamwasa headed managed the war-torn northern Rwanda.
In January 1998, then Colonel Kayumba Nyamwasa was appointed army chief of staff replacing then Colonel Samuel Kanyemera. He would become Major General and later Lt. General. Those still in the army ranks describe him as a very strict disciplinarian, but likable officer.
During the dark days after the ex-army and interahamwe militias had been forced out of Rwanda into neighboring Zaire – now DR Congo, General Nyamwasa camped in the heart of the rebel zone in northern Rwanda.
As government struggled to contain the rebel incursions between 1996 to around 1999, General Kayumba was said to have been personally overseeing the war effort. At some point in January 1998, he told the BBC that "We have the means. We have the will. We will kill until they lose their appetite for war.”
And indeed, following the second invasion of DRC by Rwandan forces in 1998 up until now, the interahamwe – now known largely as the FDLR have not been able to strike on Rwandan territory.
President Paul Kagame – then vice president and Defense Minister, up until early 2000, was also a major brain behind the country’s military successes against the rebels.
Sacked
In 2001, General Nyamwasa was relieved of his duties, replaced briefly by exiled General Bem Emmanuel Habyarimana, an ex-FAR officer who was also later replaced by current full General James Kabarebe when Habyarimana become Defense Minister. General Kayumba was sent on training in the UK.
In November 2002, government redeployment returned General Nyamwasa as Head of Security Services – described as coordinating the internal and external security apparatus.
Two years later, the General was posted to India as the country’s envoy – a post he held until Friday.
International indictments
General Kayumba is now not only a fugitive from national justice, he is also sought by the Spanish and French governments over contested indictments.
In November 2006, a French anti-terrorism Judge Jean Louise Bruguiere indicted General Kayumba, along with nine other senior military officers for allegedly being part of the enterprise which assassinated former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana.
The indictments led to Rwanda severing relations with France completely until this Thursday – with the visit of French President Nicholas.
Trouble was not about to end. In February 2008, Spanish judge Andreu Fernando Merrelles also named General Nyamwasa among the 40 people he indicted for the death of Spanish nuns and war crimes.
In both of the indictments, President Kagame is also named but was not indicted owing to presidential immunity under international law. Government has fiercely contested the warrants – but the Spanish indictments have not gone far.
At the time, General Kayumba – a diplomat in India and therefore also protected under international law, angrily dismissed the two indictments.
Majyambere Denies Al-Shabaab Links
The Djibouti Consul to Uganda, Mr. Mohamed Silas Majyambere, a businessman of Rwandan birth has reacted on the story that we recently published to the effect that he was being probed on links to the Al-Shabaab in Somalia.
In an email to 256news.com, the lawyers of the powerful Majyambere’s advocates wrote:
We are writing the present email on behalf of Mr. Majyambere who has been cited in the news article
attached and which can be consulted on www.256news.com.
To Mr. Majyambere’s great surprise and astonishment, he reads his name is linked to Al-Shabaab according to a UN Probe. You can understand that this is shocking news for him and for all of us.
The United Nations have been supporting with all means the Somalia Transitional Federal Government and working towards peace and stability in Somalia; Mr. Majyambere, as the Government and people of the Republic of Djibouti, has helped them according to his means among others in Djibouti where they stayed at Imperial Resort & Red Sea
Hotel where they got full support and help from the hotel staff.
His help was well appreciated during the visit of His Excellency Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed to the Republic of Burundi where he personally thanked Mr. Majyambere by paying him a personal visit at his Residence in Bujumbura.
In the given circumstances, it is impossible that Mr. Majyambere might have a link whatsoever with Al-Shabaab which stands against all of Mr. Majyambere’s convictions, namely peace and stability in Somalia.
Furthermore Mr. Majyambere has no offices in Nairobi, Mombassa. Also he has no sister-in-law based in the Horn of Africa.
Indeed the Rwandan newspaper Rwanda Rushya published articles on Mr. Bertin Makuza (Rwanda Foam) and Mr. Vedaste Rubangura based on court information respectively
RCA 7886/KIG - 8559/KIG and N°R.Com A0060/08/HCC. The journalist of Rwanda Rushya is Mr. Jean-Gualbert Burasa based in Kigali (Rwanda). It is true that Mr. Majyambere has a private and commercial dispute with Mr. Bertin Makuza (Rwanda Foam) and Mr. Vedaste Rubangura but this should not be the basis of diffusing and circulating baseless
and dangerous information which tarnish the image of the UN and Mr. Majyambere, compromises the reputation of the UN and Mr. Majyambere but which also is a threat to the security, physical integrity and interests of Mr. Majyambere.
On the basis of the above, we hereby would like to request you to let us know whether or not Mr. Majyambere is subject to investigations by the UN Somalia Monitoring Group linking him to Al-Shabaab. Could you please clarify your position as this article is clearly defamatory,
libelous and slanderous for the UN and Mr. Majyambere?
We are looking forward to your response in order to have the opportunity to react accordingly.
Yours sincerely,
On behalf of Mr. Majyambere
MKONO & CO. in association with Denton Wilde Sapte
256news.com appreciates the reaction by Mr. Majyambere and his much-needed input in the Somalia situation.
In an email to 256news.com, the lawyers of the powerful Majyambere’s advocates wrote:
We are writing the present email on behalf of Mr. Majyambere who has been cited in the news article
attached and which can be consulted on www.256news.com.
To Mr. Majyambere’s great surprise and astonishment, he reads his name is linked to Al-Shabaab according to a UN Probe. You can understand that this is shocking news for him and for all of us.
The United Nations have been supporting with all means the Somalia Transitional Federal Government and working towards peace and stability in Somalia; Mr. Majyambere, as the Government and people of the Republic of Djibouti, has helped them according to his means among others in Djibouti where they stayed at Imperial Resort & Red Sea
Hotel where they got full support and help from the hotel staff.
His help was well appreciated during the visit of His Excellency Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed to the Republic of Burundi where he personally thanked Mr. Majyambere by paying him a personal visit at his Residence in Bujumbura.
In the given circumstances, it is impossible that Mr. Majyambere might have a link whatsoever with Al-Shabaab which stands against all of Mr. Majyambere’s convictions, namely peace and stability in Somalia.
Furthermore Mr. Majyambere has no offices in Nairobi, Mombassa. Also he has no sister-in-law based in the Horn of Africa.
Indeed the Rwandan newspaper Rwanda Rushya published articles on Mr. Bertin Makuza (Rwanda Foam) and Mr. Vedaste Rubangura based on court information respectively
RCA 7886/KIG - 8559/KIG and N°R.Com A0060/08/HCC. The journalist of Rwanda Rushya is Mr. Jean-Gualbert Burasa based in Kigali (Rwanda). It is true that Mr. Majyambere has a private and commercial dispute with Mr. Bertin Makuza (Rwanda Foam) and Mr. Vedaste Rubangura but this should not be the basis of diffusing and circulating baseless
and dangerous information which tarnish the image of the UN and Mr. Majyambere, compromises the reputation of the UN and Mr. Majyambere but which also is a threat to the security, physical integrity and interests of Mr. Majyambere.
On the basis of the above, we hereby would like to request you to let us know whether or not Mr. Majyambere is subject to investigations by the UN Somalia Monitoring Group linking him to Al-Shabaab. Could you please clarify your position as this article is clearly defamatory,
libelous and slanderous for the UN and Mr. Majyambere?
We are looking forward to your response in order to have the opportunity to react accordingly.
Yours sincerely,
On behalf of Mr. Majyambere
MKONO & CO. in association with Denton Wilde Sapte
256news.com appreciates the reaction by Mr. Majyambere and his much-needed input in the Somalia situation.
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