[ 21/01/09 ]
La traque des rebelles hutus rwandais, réfugiés dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) depuis le génocide au Rwanda de 1994, a commencé hier avec l'entrée d'au moins un bataillon de soldats rwandais au nord de Goma, capitale provinciale du Nord-Kivu. De 800 à 1.500 soldats sont arrivés à Kibumba, localité proche du Rwanda, à 35 kilomètres au nord de Goma, selon des sources militaires occidentales. « C'est la première étape d'une opération militaire conjointe entre le Rwanda et la RDC », a confirmé la ministre rwandaise des Affaires étrangères, Rosemary Museminali. Kigali et Kinshasa avaient annoncé le 5 décembre leur intention de combattre ensemble les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda, réfugiées dans l'est de la RDC depuis le génocide, et dont certains membres avaient participé aux massacres.
Wednesday, January 21, 2009
Tuesday, January 20, 2009
RDC: le blocus des routes "inacceptable"
AFP
20/01/2009 | Mise à jour : 17:51 | Ajouter à ma sélection
La Mission de l'ONU en République démocratique du Congo (Monuc) a qualifié aujourd'hui d'"inacceptable" l'empêchement fait à ses unités par l'armée congolaise de se rendre au nord de Goma, suite au début de la traque des rebelles hutus rwandais dans l'est de la RDC.
"Les FARDC (Forces armées de RDC) ne nous laissent pas passer à Kibati, tout comme des organisations humanitaires. Ce comportement est inacceptable", a déclaré à l'AFP le porte-parole militaire de la Monuc à Kinshasa, le lieutenant-colonel Jean-Paul Dietrich.
Les FARDC bloquent la route à partir de Kibati, localité située à 10 km au nord de Goma, capitale provinciale du Nord-Kivu, a constaté un journaliste de l'AFP.
La traque des rebelles hutu rwandais des Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), réfugiés dans l'est de la RDC depuis le génocide au Rwanda de 1994, a commencé mardi avec l'entrée de soldats rwandais au nord de Goma.
La Monuc estime qu'"entre 1.500 à 2.000" soldats rwandais étaient présents mardi en RDC, a indiqué son porte-parole militaire.
Les gouvernements rwandais et de RDC avaient annoncé le 5 décembre leur intention de combattre ensemble les FDLR.
20/01/2009 | Mise à jour : 17:51 | Ajouter à ma sélection
La Mission de l'ONU en République démocratique du Congo (Monuc) a qualifié aujourd'hui d'"inacceptable" l'empêchement fait à ses unités par l'armée congolaise de se rendre au nord de Goma, suite au début de la traque des rebelles hutus rwandais dans l'est de la RDC.
"Les FARDC (Forces armées de RDC) ne nous laissent pas passer à Kibati, tout comme des organisations humanitaires. Ce comportement est inacceptable", a déclaré à l'AFP le porte-parole militaire de la Monuc à Kinshasa, le lieutenant-colonel Jean-Paul Dietrich.
Les FARDC bloquent la route à partir de Kibati, localité située à 10 km au nord de Goma, capitale provinciale du Nord-Kivu, a constaté un journaliste de l'AFP.
La traque des rebelles hutu rwandais des Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), réfugiés dans l'est de la RDC depuis le génocide au Rwanda de 1994, a commencé mardi avec l'entrée de soldats rwandais au nord de Goma.
La Monuc estime qu'"entre 1.500 à 2.000" soldats rwandais étaient présents mardi en RDC, a indiqué son porte-parole militaire.
Les gouvernements rwandais et de RDC avaient annoncé le 5 décembre leur intention de combattre ensemble les FDLR.
Le pays annonce la normalisation de ses relations avec l'Allemagne
Le pays annonce la normalisation de ses relations avec l'Allemagne© AFP
La ministre rwandaise des Affaires étrangères a annoncé dans un communiqué la normalisation des relations diplomatiques avec l'Allemagne, après une crise diplomatique entre les deux pays provoquée fin 2008 par l'arrestation en Allemagne d'une cadre du régime rwandais, Rose Kabuye.
"L'Allemagne et le Rwanda se sont mis d'accord pour nommer dans leurs capitales respectives de nouveaux chefs de leurs missions diplomatiques, dans un futur proche", annonce le communiqué de la ministre des Affaires étrangères et de la Coopération, Rosemary Museminari.
"L'Allemagne et le Rwanda partagent une longue histoire de relations amicales. Dans l'intérêt mutuel des deux pays et de leurs peuples, ils entendent aller de l'avant et ont décidé de travailler ensemble pour aplanir les sujets de désaccord", précise le communiqué.
L'arrestation début novembre 2008 à Francfort, en Allemagne, de Rose Kabuye, directrice du protocole présidentiel rwandais et l'une des proches du chef de l'Etat rwandais Paul Kagame, en vertu d'un mandat d'arrêt émis par la France, avait provoqué une crise diplomatique entre Kigali et Berlin.
L'ambassadeur rwandais en Allemagne, Eugène Gasana, avait été rappelé quelques jours plus tard "pour consultations" par Kigali, qui avait également exigé, et obtenu le départ de l'ambassadeur d'Allemagne au Rwanda, Christian Clages.
La ministre rwandaise des Affaires étrangères a annoncé dans un communiqué la normalisation des relations diplomatiques avec l'Allemagne, après une crise diplomatique entre les deux pays provoquée fin 2008 par l'arrestation en Allemagne d'une cadre du régime rwandais, Rose Kabuye.
"L'Allemagne et le Rwanda se sont mis d'accord pour nommer dans leurs capitales respectives de nouveaux chefs de leurs missions diplomatiques, dans un futur proche", annonce le communiqué de la ministre des Affaires étrangères et de la Coopération, Rosemary Museminari.
"L'Allemagne et le Rwanda partagent une longue histoire de relations amicales. Dans l'intérêt mutuel des deux pays et de leurs peuples, ils entendent aller de l'avant et ont décidé de travailler ensemble pour aplanir les sujets de désaccord", précise le communiqué.
L'arrestation début novembre 2008 à Francfort, en Allemagne, de Rose Kabuye, directrice du protocole présidentiel rwandais et l'une des proches du chef de l'Etat rwandais Paul Kagame, en vertu d'un mandat d'arrêt émis par la France, avait provoqué une crise diplomatique entre Kigali et Berlin.
L'ambassadeur rwandais en Allemagne, Eugène Gasana, avait été rappelé quelques jours plus tard "pour consultations" par Kigali, qui avait également exigé, et obtenu le départ de l'ambassadeur d'Allemagne au Rwanda, Christian Clages.
Génocide : une ex-ministre condamnée à la prison à vie
Génocide : une ex-ministre condamnée à la prison à vie© AFP
L'ex-ministre de la Justice rwandaise, Agnès Ntamabyariro, seul membre du gouvernement intérimaire de l'époque à être jugé par un tribunal rwandais pour son rôle présumé dans le génocide de 1994, a été condamnée à la prison à vie, selon des témoins joints par l'AFP à Kigali.
Le co-accusé de l'ex-ministre, l'ancien substitut du procureur, Jean-Léonard Hategekimana, a lui été acquitté, alors que le procureur avait également requis contre lui le 18 novembre la réclusion criminelle à perpétuité, selon les mêmes sources.
Mme Ntamabyariro, de père hutu et de mère tutsi, a notamment été reconnue coupable d'avoir commandité l'assassinat de l'ancien préfet tutsi de Butare (sud), Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, qui s'était opposé au génocide dans sa préfecture.
Jugée par le tribunal de grande instance de Nyarugenge, dans la ville de Kigali, l'ex-ministre avait clamé son innocence et demandé son acquittement lors du procès.
Enlevée en Zambie en 1997 où elle s'était réfugiée, Mme Ntamabyariro était allée témoigner au Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) en août 2006 pour la défense d'un autre ex-ministre du gouvernement en place pendant le génocide.
Elle avait alors vainement demandé au TPIR, basé à Arusha dans le nord de la Tanzanie, de l'aider à ne pas rentrer au Rwanda.
Elle a été défendue devant le tribunal de grande instance de Nyamirambo par le bâtonnier du Rwanda, Gatera Gashabana.
Le génocide de 1994 au Rwanda a fait, selon l'ONU, environ 800. 000 morts, parmi la minorité tutsi et les Hutu modérés.
L'ex-ministre de la Justice rwandaise, Agnès Ntamabyariro, seul membre du gouvernement intérimaire de l'époque à être jugé par un tribunal rwandais pour son rôle présumé dans le génocide de 1994, a été condamnée à la prison à vie, selon des témoins joints par l'AFP à Kigali.
Le co-accusé de l'ex-ministre, l'ancien substitut du procureur, Jean-Léonard Hategekimana, a lui été acquitté, alors que le procureur avait également requis contre lui le 18 novembre la réclusion criminelle à perpétuité, selon les mêmes sources.
Mme Ntamabyariro, de père hutu et de mère tutsi, a notamment été reconnue coupable d'avoir commandité l'assassinat de l'ancien préfet tutsi de Butare (sud), Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, qui s'était opposé au génocide dans sa préfecture.
Jugée par le tribunal de grande instance de Nyarugenge, dans la ville de Kigali, l'ex-ministre avait clamé son innocence et demandé son acquittement lors du procès.
Enlevée en Zambie en 1997 où elle s'était réfugiée, Mme Ntamabyariro était allée témoigner au Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) en août 2006 pour la défense d'un autre ex-ministre du gouvernement en place pendant le génocide.
Elle avait alors vainement demandé au TPIR, basé à Arusha dans le nord de la Tanzanie, de l'aider à ne pas rentrer au Rwanda.
Elle a été défendue devant le tribunal de grande instance de Nyamirambo par le bâtonnier du Rwanda, Gatera Gashabana.
Le génocide de 1994 au Rwanda a fait, selon l'ONU, environ 800. 000 morts, parmi la minorité tutsi et les Hutu modérés.
Coca - Cola Zero in Rwanda
PRESS RELEASE
Bralirwa introduces Coca-Cola Zero in Rwanda
Kigali, 20th January 2009 - Bralirwa and The Coca-Cola Company are currently launching
Coca-Cola Zero in Rwanda.
Coca-Cola Zero is a soft drink with real Coca-Cola classic taste, but it has no sugar. The sugars
are replaced by artificial sweeteners that deliver the famous refreshing sweet taste without
calories.
As a Coca-Cola Company brand, Coca-Cola Zero is launched in Rwanda to meet a specific
market demand. The Rwandan beverage market is a very dynamic and growing market.
Rwandese, especially adults (25 years and above) are becoming more health conscious,
innovative and demanding. With Coca-Cola Zero you can enjoy the full refreshing Coke taste,
without the sugars and calories.
Coca-Cola Zero is exactly what young adults told us they wanted real Coca-Cola taste, zero
calories and a new brand they can call their own, said Alexander Koch, Commercial Director of
Bralirwa. People today do not want to compromise on flavor or calories and we think Coca-
Cola Zeros taste and personality will appeal to them.
Coca-Cola Zero is already a big international success and is available and enjoyed in many
countries over the world. Bralirwa is proud to now also introduce it to the Rwandese market.
Coca-Cola Zero is available in modern black 33cl cans, in selected channels at a recommended
price of 500 FRW per can.
Besides Coca-Cola Zero, Bralirwa has also introduced Coca-Cola regular, Fanta Orange and
Sprite in 33cl cans. All available in selected channels at a recommended retail price of 450
FRW.
Anita Munyaneza, BRALIRWA Communication Manager
Bralirwa introduces Coca-Cola Zero in Rwanda
Kigali, 20th January 2009 - Bralirwa and The Coca-Cola Company are currently launching
Coca-Cola Zero in Rwanda.
Coca-Cola Zero is a soft drink with real Coca-Cola classic taste, but it has no sugar. The sugars
are replaced by artificial sweeteners that deliver the famous refreshing sweet taste without
calories.
As a Coca-Cola Company brand, Coca-Cola Zero is launched in Rwanda to meet a specific
market demand. The Rwandan beverage market is a very dynamic and growing market.
Rwandese, especially adults (25 years and above) are becoming more health conscious,
innovative and demanding. With Coca-Cola Zero you can enjoy the full refreshing Coke taste,
without the sugars and calories.
Coca-Cola Zero is exactly what young adults told us they wanted real Coca-Cola taste, zero
calories and a new brand they can call their own, said Alexander Koch, Commercial Director of
Bralirwa. People today do not want to compromise on flavor or calories and we think Coca-
Cola Zeros taste and personality will appeal to them.
Coca-Cola Zero is already a big international success and is available and enjoyed in many
countries over the world. Bralirwa is proud to now also introduce it to the Rwandese market.
Coca-Cola Zero is available in modern black 33cl cans, in selected channels at a recommended
price of 500 FRW per can.
Besides Coca-Cola Zero, Bralirwa has also introduced Coca-Cola regular, Fanta Orange and
Sprite in 33cl cans. All available in selected channels at a recommended retail price of 450
FRW.
Anita Munyaneza, BRALIRWA Communication Manager
Friday, January 2, 2009
Anti-apartheid icon Suzman dies
Helen Suzman, a celebrated South African MP and anti-apartheid campaigner, has died at the age of 91.
Mrs Suzman, a member of parliament first for the opposition United Party and later the Progressive Party, was an outspoken critic of apartheid.
For 13 years, Mrs Suzman, the daughter of Jewish Lithuanian immigrants, was the only MP to openly condemn South Africa's whites-only apartheid regime.
She was made an honorary dame by the Queen in 1989.
She was also twice-nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.
The family plans to follow a private funeral this weekend with a public memorial in February, the SAPA news agency reported.
Mandela supporter
The former MP, who had been in a frail condition recently, died at her home in Johannesburg early on Thursday.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu said his country owed her an enormous debt in the struggle against apartheid.
"She really was indomitable," he said.http://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gif
Nelson Mandela Foundation chief executive Achmat Dangor told the Associated Press news agency that she was a "great patriot and a fearless fighter against apartheid".
Mrs Suzman, who first entered the South African parliament in 1953, was a thorn in the side of the apartheid regime, says the BBC's Peter Biles, in Johannesburg.
She was a frequent visitor of jailed African National Congress (ANC) leader Nelson Mandela when he was held on Robben Island prison for 18 years.
Mrs Suzman campaigned against the cruelty of South Africa's race laws
Mr Mandela wrote of her in his biography: "It was an odd and wonderful sight to see this courageous woman peering into our cells and strolling around our courtyard. She was the first and only woman ever to grace our cells."
Former President PW Botha once referred to her as a "vicious little cat". For her part, she said that if he were a woman, "he would arrive in parliament on a broomstick".
Despite her frailty in recent years, Mrs Suzman, who stepped down from parliament in 1989, continued to speak out against what she saw as the failings of South Africa's post-apartheid ANC administration.
Mrs Suzman was born in Germiston, Gauteng, on 7 November 1917 to Jewish Lithuanian immigrants.
In 1937, at the age of 19, she married doctor Moses Meyer Suzman. The couple later had two daughters.
Mrs Suzman received honorary doctorates from leading universities across the globe, including Oxford, Cambridge, Columbia (New York), Harvard, Witwatersrand and Cape Town.
She was also awarded an honorary Fellowship of the London School of Economics (LSE).
Mrs Suzman, a member of parliament first for the opposition United Party and later the Progressive Party, was an outspoken critic of apartheid.
For 13 years, Mrs Suzman, the daughter of Jewish Lithuanian immigrants, was the only MP to openly condemn South Africa's whites-only apartheid regime.
She was made an honorary dame by the Queen in 1989.
She was also twice-nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.
The family plans to follow a private funeral this weekend with a public memorial in February, the SAPA news agency reported.
Mandela supporter
The former MP, who had been in a frail condition recently, died at her home in Johannesburg early on Thursday.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu said his country owed her an enormous debt in the struggle against apartheid.
"She really was indomitable," he said.http://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gif
Nelson Mandela Foundation chief executive Achmat Dangor told the Associated Press news agency that she was a "great patriot and a fearless fighter against apartheid".
Mrs Suzman, who first entered the South African parliament in 1953, was a thorn in the side of the apartheid regime, says the BBC's Peter Biles, in Johannesburg.
She was a frequent visitor of jailed African National Congress (ANC) leader Nelson Mandela when he was held on Robben Island prison for 18 years.
Mrs Suzman campaigned against the cruelty of South Africa's race laws
Mr Mandela wrote of her in his biography: "It was an odd and wonderful sight to see this courageous woman peering into our cells and strolling around our courtyard. She was the first and only woman ever to grace our cells."
Former President PW Botha once referred to her as a "vicious little cat". For her part, she said that if he were a woman, "he would arrive in parliament on a broomstick".
Despite her frailty in recent years, Mrs Suzman, who stepped down from parliament in 1989, continued to speak out against what she saw as the failings of South Africa's post-apartheid ANC administration.
Mrs Suzman was born in Germiston, Gauteng, on 7 November 1917 to Jewish Lithuanian immigrants.
In 1937, at the age of 19, she married doctor Moses Meyer Suzman. The couple later had two daughters.
Mrs Suzman received honorary doctorates from leading universities across the globe, including Oxford, Cambridge, Columbia (New York), Harvard, Witwatersrand and Cape Town.
She was also awarded an honorary Fellowship of the London School of Economics (LSE).
Tuesday, December 23, 2008
France releases Rwandan official
Rose Kabuye's arrest sparked anger among Rwandans
The French authorities say they will allow detained Rwandan government official Rose Kabuye to travel back to Rwanda for a holiday over Christmas.
She was arrested last month in Germany at France's request under an international warrant.
The French accuse the former Tutsi rebel commander of taking part in the 1994 killing of former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana.
His death was the spark for the Rwandan genocide of some 800,000 people.
Ms Kabuye, the chief of protocol for current Rwandan President Paul Kagame, has repeatedly protested her innocence.
Free woman
She was already on bail but she could not move out of France - these conditions have now been changed so that she can return to Rwanda.
She is a free woman and she is coming home
Tharcisse Karugarama, Rwandan Justice Minister
After the ruling was made, Rwandan Justice Minister Tharcisse Karugarama said she would be proven innocent and declared:
"The international arrest warrant will no longer be applied, she is a free woman and she is coming home.
"The information I have is that her initial appearance will be on 10 January next year. She will travel there on that date," he said.
Ms Kabuye was detained on arrival at Frankfurt airport in Germany in November following an arrest warrant issued by a French judge.
Her arrest sparked anger in Rwanda, with large protests by people asking for her immediate release.
She is one of nine senior Rwandan officials wanted over the shooting down of Habyarimana's plane.
President Kagame's Tutsi-led Rwanda Patriotic Front - a rebel group at the time, now the ruling party - has always strongly denied responsibility.
The RPF insists that the plane was shot down by Hutu extremists to give them a pretext to attack ethnic Tutsis and moderates.
Correspondents say Ms Kabuye, a former RPF guerrilla has heroic status in Rwanda.
She has served as an MP and mayor of the capital Kigali, and is one of President Kagame's closest aides.
Rwanda genocide suspect home goes for Christmas
The Associated PressPublished: December 23, 2008
KIGALI, Rwanda: A senior Rwandan official arrested in Europe in connection with the death of Rwanda's former president will be allowed to fly home for Christmas, the government said Tuesday.
In Germany, federal prosecutors announced that another Rwandan, a town mayor, was arrested Monday on suspicion of genocide.
The senior official, Rose Kabuye — chief of protocol for current President Paul Kagame — was detained in Germany Nov. 9 and later transferred to France. She is held in connection with the shooting down of a plane carrying Rwanda's former president Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994, The assassination sparked 100 days of genocide that killed more than 500,000 people.
French authorities are investigating the attack because Habyarimana's two pilots were French. A judge authorized her Christmas leave. Rwandan justice minister Tharcisse Karugarama says Kabuye will return to Rwanda on Wednesday and return to Paris on Jan. 10 to appear before a French judge.
"The government of Rwanda considers this development a step in the right direction," a Rwandan government statement said. ... "Outstanding arrest warrants against Rwandan officials should be nullified, as there is no need to arrest and humiliate individuals who have never been asked and refused to cooperate with justice."
In a separate development, a former Rwandan mayor suspected of involvement in the central African country's genocide was arrested.
The 51-year-old man, identified only by the initials O.R., was arrested in the Frankfurt area on Monday, federal prosecutors said.
They said the man is a Hutu who served in 1994 as the mayor of a municipality in northern Rwanda and allegedly called for, led and coordinated killings of Tutsis. In particular, he is believed to have been involved in a massacre at Nyarubuye in mid-April 1994, prosecutors said.
The Rwandan government did not comment on his arrest.
More than 500,000 minority Tutsis and political moderates from the Hutu majority were killed in the slaughter, which was organized by the extremist Hutu government then in power. Government troops, Hutu militia and ordinary villagers spurred on by hate messages broadcast over the radio went from village to village, butchering men, women and children.
German federal prosecutors said the 51-year-old former mayor was previously arrested in Frankfurt in April on a Rwandan extradition request, but was released again in early November after judicial authorities decided that they could not extradite him.
German prosecutors said his second arrest was based on information that they gleaned in their own investigation, begun in March. They did not elaborate.
KIGALI, Rwanda: A senior Rwandan official arrested in Europe in connection with the death of Rwanda's former president will be allowed to fly home for Christmas, the government said Tuesday.
In Germany, federal prosecutors announced that another Rwandan, a town mayor, was arrested Monday on suspicion of genocide.
The senior official, Rose Kabuye — chief of protocol for current President Paul Kagame — was detained in Germany Nov. 9 and later transferred to France. She is held in connection with the shooting down of a plane carrying Rwanda's former president Juvenal Habyarimana in 1994, The assassination sparked 100 days of genocide that killed more than 500,000 people.
French authorities are investigating the attack because Habyarimana's two pilots were French. A judge authorized her Christmas leave. Rwandan justice minister Tharcisse Karugarama says Kabuye will return to Rwanda on Wednesday and return to Paris on Jan. 10 to appear before a French judge.
"The government of Rwanda considers this development a step in the right direction," a Rwandan government statement said. ... "Outstanding arrest warrants against Rwandan officials should be nullified, as there is no need to arrest and humiliate individuals who have never been asked and refused to cooperate with justice."
In a separate development, a former Rwandan mayor suspected of involvement in the central African country's genocide was arrested.
The 51-year-old man, identified only by the initials O.R., was arrested in the Frankfurt area on Monday, federal prosecutors said.
They said the man is a Hutu who served in 1994 as the mayor of a municipality in northern Rwanda and allegedly called for, led and coordinated killings of Tutsis. In particular, he is believed to have been involved in a massacre at Nyarubuye in mid-April 1994, prosecutors said.
The Rwandan government did not comment on his arrest.
More than 500,000 minority Tutsis and political moderates from the Hutu majority were killed in the slaughter, which was organized by the extremist Hutu government then in power. Government troops, Hutu militia and ordinary villagers spurred on by hate messages broadcast over the radio went from village to village, butchering men, women and children.
German federal prosecutors said the 51-year-old former mayor was previously arrested in Frankfurt in April on a Rwandan extradition request, but was released again in early November after judicial authorities decided that they could not extradite him.
German prosecutors said his second arrest was based on information that they gleaned in their own investigation, begun in March. They did not elaborate.
Un Rwandais accusé de génocide à nouveau arrêté en Allemagne
BERLIN (AFP) - 23/12/2008 15h13
Un Rwandais soupçonné de participation au génocide de 1994, arrêté en Allemagne sur mandat international émis par le Rwanda puis relâché le 5 novembre, a été de nouveau incarcéré lundi, sur mandat allemand, a annoncé mardi le parquet général fédéral allemand.
Onesphore Rwabukombe, un Hutu de 51 ans, "est fortement soupçonné d'assassinats et de génocide (...) au détriment des membres de l'éthnie Tutsi", selon un communiqué du parquet général fédéral.
Le suspect a déjà été incarcéré de juillet à novembre, jusqu'à ce qu'un tribunal de Francfort ordonne sa remise en liberté. Les juges avaient tiré les conséquences d'une décision du 8 octobre de la chambre d'appel du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) selon laquelle les conditions d'un procès équitable pour génocide au Rwanda n'étaient garanties pour aucun accusé.
M. Rwabukombe est l'ancien maire de Muvumba. Kigali l'accuse d'avoir ordonné et participé à des massacres de Tutsis, principales victimes du génocide qui a fait 800.000 morts en 1994, selon l'ONU.
En novembre, pour la même raison, le tribunal de Francfort avait également remis en liberté Callixte Mbarushimana, un des dirigeants en exil des Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR), mouvement hutu rebelle basé dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo.
Mais le 18 décembre, le procureur général fédéral a lancé un nouveau mandat d'arrêt basé sur "les propres informations dont dispose le parquet fédéral", selon un communiqué de ce dernier.
Le suspect, arrêté lundi dans la région Francfort, a été présenté devant un juge qui l'a placé sous mandat de dépôt, selon ce communiqué, qui précise que les motifs ne peuvent être dévoilés pour l'instant. La justice allemande enquêtait sur lui depuis mars, a-t-on indiqué de même source
Le 9 novembre, les autorités allemandes avaient arrêté, toujours à Francfort, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye avait été transférée à Paris où elle avait été placée sous contrôle judiciaire après avoir été inculpée pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Paris la recherchait dans le cadre de l'enquête sur l'attentat contre le président Habyarimana en 1994, qui a déclenché le génocide. Mme Kabuye a été autorisée lundi à retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
© 2008 AFP
Un Rwandais soupçonné de participation au génocide de 1994, arrêté en Allemagne sur mandat international émis par le Rwanda puis relâché le 5 novembre, a été de nouveau incarcéré lundi, sur mandat allemand, a annoncé mardi le parquet général fédéral allemand.
Onesphore Rwabukombe, un Hutu de 51 ans, "est fortement soupçonné d'assassinats et de génocide (...) au détriment des membres de l'éthnie Tutsi", selon un communiqué du parquet général fédéral.
Le suspect a déjà été incarcéré de juillet à novembre, jusqu'à ce qu'un tribunal de Francfort ordonne sa remise en liberté. Les juges avaient tiré les conséquences d'une décision du 8 octobre de la chambre d'appel du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) selon laquelle les conditions d'un procès équitable pour génocide au Rwanda n'étaient garanties pour aucun accusé.
M. Rwabukombe est l'ancien maire de Muvumba. Kigali l'accuse d'avoir ordonné et participé à des massacres de Tutsis, principales victimes du génocide qui a fait 800.000 morts en 1994, selon l'ONU.
En novembre, pour la même raison, le tribunal de Francfort avait également remis en liberté Callixte Mbarushimana, un des dirigeants en exil des Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR), mouvement hutu rebelle basé dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo.
Mais le 18 décembre, le procureur général fédéral a lancé un nouveau mandat d'arrêt basé sur "les propres informations dont dispose le parquet fédéral", selon un communiqué de ce dernier.
Le suspect, arrêté lundi dans la région Francfort, a été présenté devant un juge qui l'a placé sous mandat de dépôt, selon ce communiqué, qui précise que les motifs ne peuvent être dévoilés pour l'instant. La justice allemande enquêtait sur lui depuis mars, a-t-on indiqué de même source
Le 9 novembre, les autorités allemandes avaient arrêté, toujours à Francfort, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye avait été transférée à Paris où elle avait été placée sous contrôle judiciaire après avoir été inculpée pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Paris la recherchait dans le cadre de l'enquête sur l'attentat contre le président Habyarimana en 1994, qui a déclenché le génocide. Mme Kabuye a été autorisée lundi à retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
© 2008 AFP
Rwanda: une partie civile "estomaquée" par le retour à Kigali de Rose Kabuye
23.12.08 | 13h13
L'avocat d'Agathe Habyarimana, veuve du président rwandais assassiné en avril 1994, a indiqué mardi à l'AFP que sa cliente était "estomaquée" par l'autorisation accordée par la justice française à Rose Kabuye de retourner à Kigali pour les fêtes.
"Ma cliente est estomaquée par cette décision qui est contraire à ce qui se pratique habituellement dans ce type d'instruction", a déclaré à l'AFP Me Philippe Meilhac.
"Ainsi, la seule personne mise en cause dans ce dossier est autorisée à retourner au Rwanda où elle aura tout loisir de discuter avec les autres personnes visées par la procédure", a constaté l'avocat en ajoutant que sa cliente en vient "à douter de la volonté de la justice de vouloir arriver à la vérité".
"La partie civile a du mal à comprendre ce qui se passe. Elle se demande si dans trois mois, le contrôle judiciaire de Mme Kabuye ne va pas être purement et simplement levé. On est très pessimiste", a ajouté Me Meilhac en regrettant que cette "volte-face opérée pour des raisons diplomatiques se fasse sur le dos des parties civiles".
Rose Kabuye, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame mise en examen et placée sous contrôle judiciaire dans l'enquête sur l'attentat contre le président Habyarimana en 1994, a été autorisée lundi à retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
"C'est une décision qui prend en considération la situation humaine dans laquelle se trouve ma cliente et qui montre que la justice peut fonctionner efficacement tout en étant modérée", s'est félicité l'un de ses avocat, Me Léon-Lef Forster, en précisant que Mme Kabuye, est tenue de revenir en France le 10 janvier.
"Au niveau du gouvernement, nous nous en réjouissons mais ce n'est qu'une étape vers la justice qui lui est due", a commenté à Kigali la ministre rwandaise de l'Information et porte-parole du gouvernement, Louise Mushikiwabo.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, avait été interpellée le 9 novembre en Allemagne et transférée à Paris où elle avait été mise en examen par le juge antiterroriste Marc Trévidic pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Le juge la soupçonne d'avoir pris part à l'attentat le 6 avril 1994 contre l'avion du président rwandais Juvénal Habyarimana, signal déclencheur d'un génocide qui a fait selon l'ONU environ 800.000 morts, essentiellement parmi la minorité tutsie. Elle nie les faits qui lui sont reprochés, selon ses avocats.
Présentée à un juge des libertés et de la détention (JLD), elle a été laissée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire avec notamment l'interdiction de quitter la France sans autorisation.
L'avocat d'Agathe Habyarimana, veuve du président rwandais assassiné en avril 1994, a indiqué mardi à l'AFP que sa cliente était "estomaquée" par l'autorisation accordée par la justice française à Rose Kabuye de retourner à Kigali pour les fêtes.
"Ma cliente est estomaquée par cette décision qui est contraire à ce qui se pratique habituellement dans ce type d'instruction", a déclaré à l'AFP Me Philippe Meilhac.
"Ainsi, la seule personne mise en cause dans ce dossier est autorisée à retourner au Rwanda où elle aura tout loisir de discuter avec les autres personnes visées par la procédure", a constaté l'avocat en ajoutant que sa cliente en vient "à douter de la volonté de la justice de vouloir arriver à la vérité".
"La partie civile a du mal à comprendre ce qui se passe. Elle se demande si dans trois mois, le contrôle judiciaire de Mme Kabuye ne va pas être purement et simplement levé. On est très pessimiste", a ajouté Me Meilhac en regrettant que cette "volte-face opérée pour des raisons diplomatiques se fasse sur le dos des parties civiles".
Rose Kabuye, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame mise en examen et placée sous contrôle judiciaire dans l'enquête sur l'attentat contre le président Habyarimana en 1994, a été autorisée lundi à retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
"C'est une décision qui prend en considération la situation humaine dans laquelle se trouve ma cliente et qui montre que la justice peut fonctionner efficacement tout en étant modérée", s'est félicité l'un de ses avocat, Me Léon-Lef Forster, en précisant que Mme Kabuye, est tenue de revenir en France le 10 janvier.
"Au niveau du gouvernement, nous nous en réjouissons mais ce n'est qu'une étape vers la justice qui lui est due", a commenté à Kigali la ministre rwandaise de l'Information et porte-parole du gouvernement, Louise Mushikiwabo.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, avait été interpellée le 9 novembre en Allemagne et transférée à Paris où elle avait été mise en examen par le juge antiterroriste Marc Trévidic pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Le juge la soupçonne d'avoir pris part à l'attentat le 6 avril 1994 contre l'avion du président rwandais Juvénal Habyarimana, signal déclencheur d'un génocide qui a fait selon l'ONU environ 800.000 morts, essentiellement parmi la minorité tutsie. Elle nie les faits qui lui sont reprochés, selon ses avocats.
Présentée à un juge des libertés et de la détention (JLD), elle a été laissée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire avec notamment l'interdiction de quitter la France sans autorisation.
Kigali se félicite du retour de Rose Kabuye pour les fêtes
23.12.08 | 15h55
Le gouvernement rwandais s'est dit satisfait mardi de la décision de la justice française de laisser Rose Kabuye, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame mise en examen et placée sous contrôle judiciaire en France, retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
"Au niveau de gouvernement, nous nous en réjouissons mais ce n'est qu'une étape vers la justice qui lui est due", a déclaré à l'AFP à Kigali la ministre rwandaise de l'Information et porte-parole du gouvernement, Louise Mushikiwabo.
Le ministère de l'Information rwandais a précisé mardi dans un communiqué que "Mme Kabuye était attendue à Kigali mercredi 24 décembre dans l'après-midi".
"Nous maintenons que c'est une femme innocente qui a été arrêtée en violation des conventions internationales", a poursuivi la ministre en exigeant une fois de plus "un procès rapide, juste et équitable" pour Mme Kabuye.
"Pour des raisons familiales, nous avions demandé à ce que Mme Kabuye puisse se rendre à Kigali pour la période des fêtes", avait expliqué à l'AFP lundi soir l'un de ses avocat, Me Léon-Lef Forster, annonçant que cette demande avait été acceptée par les juges après un avis favorable du parquet.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, avait été interpellée le 9 novembre en Allemagne et transférée à Paris où elle avait été mise en examen par le juge antiterroriste Marc Trévidic pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Le juge la soupçonne d'avoir pris part à l'attentat le 6 avril 1994 contre l'avion du président rwandais de l'époque Juvénal Habyarimana, un Hutu, signal déclencheur d'un génocide qui a fait selon l'ONU environ 800.000 morts, essentiellement parmi la minorité tutsi. Rose Kabuye nie les faits qui lui sont reprochés, selon ses avocats.
Présentée à un juge des libertés et de la détention (JLD), elle avait été laissée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire avec notamment l'interdiction de quitter la France sans autorisation.
Le gouvernement rwandais s'est dit satisfait mardi de la décision de la justice française de laisser Rose Kabuye, une proche du président rwandais Paul Kagame mise en examen et placée sous contrôle judiciaire en France, retourner au Rwanda pour les fêtes.
"Au niveau de gouvernement, nous nous en réjouissons mais ce n'est qu'une étape vers la justice qui lui est due", a déclaré à l'AFP à Kigali la ministre rwandaise de l'Information et porte-parole du gouvernement, Louise Mushikiwabo.
Le ministère de l'Information rwandais a précisé mardi dans un communiqué que "Mme Kabuye était attendue à Kigali mercredi 24 décembre dans l'après-midi".
"Nous maintenons que c'est une femme innocente qui a été arrêtée en violation des conventions internationales", a poursuivi la ministre en exigeant une fois de plus "un procès rapide, juste et équitable" pour Mme Kabuye.
"Pour des raisons familiales, nous avions demandé à ce que Mme Kabuye puisse se rendre à Kigali pour la période des fêtes", avait expliqué à l'AFP lundi soir l'un de ses avocat, Me Léon-Lef Forster, annonçant que cette demande avait été acceptée par les juges après un avis favorable du parquet.
Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt international délivré en 2006 par la France, Rose Kabuye, 47 ans, avait été interpellée le 9 novembre en Allemagne et transférée à Paris où elle avait été mise en examen par le juge antiterroriste Marc Trévidic pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste.
Le juge la soupçonne d'avoir pris part à l'attentat le 6 avril 1994 contre l'avion du président rwandais de l'époque Juvénal Habyarimana, un Hutu, signal déclencheur d'un génocide qui a fait selon l'ONU environ 800.000 morts, essentiellement parmi la minorité tutsi. Rose Kabuye nie les faits qui lui sont reprochés, selon ses avocats.
Présentée à un juge des libertés et de la détention (JLD), elle avait été laissée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire avec notamment l'interdiction de quitter la France sans autorisation.
Sunday, December 21, 2008
Nagui FAM
Nagui présente "Tout le monde veut prendre sa place" et "Taratata".
Alexandrie-Paris alller simple vers les médias
Nagui FAM, dit Nagui, est né le 14 novembre 1961 à Alexandrie (Egypte), d'un père égyptien et d'une mère française, tous les deux professeurs de français. Il passe ses premières années à Alexandrie, 3 ans à Aix en Provence, 2 ans au Canada et aux USA et enfin vient s'installer à Cannes, région dans laquelle il fera ses débuts. En juin 1979; son baccalauréat C en poche, il entame une fac de Sciences à Nice (Deug B) puis 2 ans de prépa HEC à Paris.
L'intégralité de sa vie professionnelle concerne les médias.
Il est présentateur de radio, puis, parallèlement présentateur et producteur de télévision.
En janvier 1993, il crée sa société AIR PRODUCTIONS, afin de produire l'émission TARATATA pour France 2. Il est Gérant de cette société et actionnaire unique depuis le début.
En 1994, il crée la filiale IMAGE ON AIR, d'abord avec une société partenaire (IMAGE FACTORY). En 1997 AIR PRODUCTIONS achète à cette société les parts qu'elle détenait dans IMAGE ON AIR et Nagui FAM en devient le Président.
Des radios "libres" à RTL: parcours sans faute.
Il fait ses débuts à "Radio Vintimille Internationale" pendant l'été 1979.
- 1979/1980 : "Radio Continentale" (FM pirate dans le Sud Est)
- Juin 80 à Juin 81 : "Radio Midi" (FM pirate dans le Sud Est)
- Juin 81 à Août 82 : "Radio galère" qu'il monte avec ses amis à Cannes
- Octobre 82 à Nov 85 : "Radio France Côte d'Azur"
- Nov 85 à Mars 86 : "Radio France Provence"
- Mai 86 à Mai 87 : "95.2 FM"
- Juin 87 : "Chic FM"
- Depuis le 15 février 1988 : Entrée à RTL
- Février 88 à juin 88 : "RTL an 2000" de 20 h à 21h
- Septembre 88 à juin 89 : "Satell Hits" de 20 h à 21h30
- Septembre 89 à Juin 90 : "Challeng Hits" de 19h à 20h30
"Satell hits" de 20h30 à 21h pendant la semaine
"Studio 22" le samedi de 18h30 à 20h
- Septembre 90 à Août 91 : "Génération laser" de 19h à 21h
"Studio 22" le samedi de 18h30 à 20h
- Septembre 91 à Juillet 93 : "Départ immédiat" le vendredi de 8h30 à 10h
"Studio 22" le samedi de18h30 à20h
- Septembre 93 à Juin 94 : "Le Cékoidon" de10h à 11h
- Depuis septembre 94 : "Malice aux pays des merveilles" de 8h30 à10h du lundi au jeudi
- Sur Europe 2 depuis Septembre 2006
De la musique et des jeux: Nagui sur France2.
- Juillet 92 à septembre 95 : "Que le meilleur gagne" - France 2 animée par Nagui (Bi-quotidienne - 12h30 et 19h20)
- Janvier 93 à juin 96 : "Taratata" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Hebdomadaire - 2éme partie de soirée)
- Octobre 93 à décembre 93 : "Ovations" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Mensuelle - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Février 94 : "Les victoires de la musique" & " les 7 d'or" - France 2
Co-animateur (Emissions exceptionnelles - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Septembre 94 à juin 96 : "N'oubliez pas votre brosse à dents" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Mensuelle - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Février 95 : "Les victoires de la musique" - France 2
Co-animateur (Emission exceptionnelle - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Juin 95 à Février 96 : "MirOir mon beau mirOir" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Mensuelle - 1ère partie de soirée)
- Septembre 96 à juin 97 : "Taratata" - France 2 animée par Alexandra Kazan et produite par Nagui (Hebdomadaire - 2ème partie de soirée)
- Avril 98 : "Sidaction 98, Fête l'amour" - France 2 produite par Nagui
(Spéciale - 22h30)
- Septembre 98 : "Hymne à Piaf" - France 2 produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 20h50)
- Septembre 98 : "Ophélie de folie" - France 2 produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 22h30)
- Novembre 98 : "Y'a quoi à la télé?" - France 2 animée par Thierry Beccaro et produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 20h50)
- 20 et 27 décembre 98 : "Le monde est merveilleux" - France 2 animée par Antoine et produite par Nagui (Dimanche - 2ème partie de soirée)
- Janvier 99 : "Starmania, Miss Saigon, Notre-Dame de Paris... et les autres" - France 2 Documentaire produit par Nagui
- Avril 99 : "Taratata Symphonique n°1" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 20h50)
- Novembre 99 : "Taratata Symphonique n°2" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui (Spéciale - 20h50)
- Janvier 2001 à Avril 2001 : "Tutti Frutti" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui
- De Déc 01 à Déc 02 : "Le Numéro Gagnant" - France 2 animée et produite par Nagui
- De Juillet à Août 2002 : "Slap" - France 2 produite par Nagui
- 27 décembre 2003 : "Prix Constantin" - France 2 animé par Nagui
- 17 janvier 2004 : "le coffre" - France2 animé par Nagui.
- 25 décembre 2004 : "Encore + libre" - France 2
- 28 décembre 2004 : "Ça va être votre fête" - France 2 - animé par Nagui
- 2005 : "Taratata" - France 3, France 4 - animé par Nagui
- été 2005 : "Intervilles" - France 2
- 2006 : "Tout le monde veut prendre sa place" et "Y'en aura pour tout le monde" - France 2
- Palmarès des chansons : 28/04/2006
- fin 2006 : Retour de Taratata sur France 2
PETA Names Oprah Its "Person of the Year"
PETA Names Oprah Its "Person of the Year"
Dec 20, 2008 09:48 AM ET
by Adam Bryant
Continuing her way toward total world domination, talk-show queen Oprah Winfrey has been named "Person of the Year" by People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals.
Winfrey was selected for using her talk show to bring light to issues important to the Norfolk, Va.-based animal rights group's mission, with episodes that have, for example, focused on puppy mills and the treatment of chickens and other animals in factory farms. Winfrey also went on a vegan diet for a week, and in April, dedicated an episode of her show to her late cocker spaniel Sophie, who died at age 13.
Winfrey has "used her powerful voice to defend those without one," PETA president Ingrid Newkirk said in a statemement. Winfrey, who was unavailable for comment, according to The Associated Press, will receive a plaque and a letter of appreciation.
Previous winners of the PETA award include U.S. Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia in 2007 and the founders of the San Francisco-based cleaning product company Method in 2006.
EALA Common Market public hearing sets for next week
BY IRENE V. NAMBI
Sunday, 21st December 2008
The East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) is set to conduct public Hearings on the East African Community (EAC) Common Market on Monday, 22 December 2008 at Prime Holdings, Kimihurura.
According to Aime Uwase, the Director of planning in the Ministry of East African Community, the workshop will among other things hear issues and general concerns of the civil society, private sector, academics, politicians and government officials as representatives of the people of East Africa.
The decision by the regional parliamentarians to conduct the hearings emerged earlier this month during the just-concluded EALA session in Kampala, Uganda.
“They want to gather views of people in different sectors so that they too can contribute to the integration process. So far, we have had different negotiations on the common market issue and reports will help us finalise the protocol,” Uwase said.
The Common Market Protocol is one of the main stages towards the regional integration process and the Public Hearings will gather views of the general public on the salient issues that they would like the Common Market protocol to address.
The realisation of the Common Market – which is expected to be in place by the beginning of 2010 – will pave way for the ultimate East African Political Federation.
The Public Hearings will be conducted simultaneously in all the five partner States of the East African Community by members of the assembly.
In accordance with Article 76 of the treaty, a common market shall be established to ensure the free movement of labour, goods, services, capital and the right of establishment.
As a prerequisite to the establishment of the common market, the protocol needs to be completed. Apparently, negotiations are still underway and there is need for all stakeholders to be involved in the process.
The public hearings therefore identify and explain key issues and policy options that should guide negotiations on the common market protocol.
The EALA comprises of 45 elected members, 9 from each of the five partner States; 10 members who include ministers responsible for EAC Affairs and their Deputies, the Secretary General of the Community and the Counsel to the Community.
Ends
Sunday, 21st December 2008
The East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) is set to conduct public Hearings on the East African Community (EAC) Common Market on Monday, 22 December 2008 at Prime Holdings, Kimihurura.
According to Aime Uwase, the Director of planning in the Ministry of East African Community, the workshop will among other things hear issues and general concerns of the civil society, private sector, academics, politicians and government officials as representatives of the people of East Africa.
The decision by the regional parliamentarians to conduct the hearings emerged earlier this month during the just-concluded EALA session in Kampala, Uganda.
“They want to gather views of people in different sectors so that they too can contribute to the integration process. So far, we have had different negotiations on the common market issue and reports will help us finalise the protocol,” Uwase said.
The Common Market Protocol is one of the main stages towards the regional integration process and the Public Hearings will gather views of the general public on the salient issues that they would like the Common Market protocol to address.
The realisation of the Common Market – which is expected to be in place by the beginning of 2010 – will pave way for the ultimate East African Political Federation.
The Public Hearings will be conducted simultaneously in all the five partner States of the East African Community by members of the assembly.
In accordance with Article 76 of the treaty, a common market shall be established to ensure the free movement of labour, goods, services, capital and the right of establishment.
As a prerequisite to the establishment of the common market, the protocol needs to be completed. Apparently, negotiations are still underway and there is need for all stakeholders to be involved in the process.
The public hearings therefore identify and explain key issues and policy options that should guide negotiations on the common market protocol.
The EALA comprises of 45 elected members, 9 from each of the five partner States; 10 members who include ministers responsible for EAC Affairs and their Deputies, the Secretary General of the Community and the Counsel to the Community.
Ends
LRA kill 2 in South Sudan ambush
GRACE MATSIKO
Kampala
In an apparent revenge attack following military raids on their territories, suspected Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels have killed two civilians in South Sudan, a regional official has said.
The Deputy Governor of the Western Equatoria state, Joseph Ngere told Sudan Tribune, a Sudanese online daily publication on Friday, suspected LRA rebels killed two youths in an ambush at Tore, an area on the South Sudan-Democratic Republic of Congo border on Thursday.
“The deputy governor Ngere said there are growing fears in Western Equatoria state that the fighting may spill over to the state,” the Sudan Tribune quoted the governor as saying.
Uganda, DR Congo and the semi-autonomous South Sudan last Sunday launched joint military strikes in an operation codenamed ‘Lightning Thunder’ against the LRA rebels who have been holed up in north-eastern Congo’s Garamba forests since 2005.
But the statement by Governor Ngere on the attack could be a signal that, though the LRA may have been displaced from its bases as a result of last Sunday’s air strikes, the reclusive rebel leader Joseph Kony’s will to forment mischief is not yet over.
Last Sunday’s strike had the stated objective of applying pressure on Kony to sign the Final Peace Agreement negotiated with the Uganda government since 2006. The operation’s commander, Brig. Patrick Kankiriho has said they wanted to “break Kony’s back”.
However, emerging information suggests that the rebels may have been tipped-off before the attack, meaning the onslaught hit empty encampments and ultimately appears to have failed in its primary objective.
Thursday’s ambush at Tore is the one consequence of military action that political leaders in northern Uganda had warned about, saying the LRA could mount retaliatory strikes, forcing their people who have enjoyed relative peace back into the crowded internally displaced persons camps.
Meanwhile, the LRA peace delegation chairman, Mr. David Nyekorach Matsanga said by telephone yesterday, he could not confirm or deny the attack. He promised to verify the information from military commanders on the ground.
“As far we are concerned we are ready for peace not fighting,” Mr Matsanga said. “If there is ceasefire, it will enable our troops to re-assemble in Rii-kwangba, the designated assembly point,” he added.
Mr Matsanga told Sunday Monitor yesterday, they have not closed the door to peace efforts but will no longer allow South Sudan’s semi-autonomous government to chair any talks. Until last Sunday, South Sudan Vice President, Dr Riek Machar, was chief mediator to the Juba peace process.
“I have spoken to LRA and they are asking for cessation of hostilities. They are however saying future negotiations cannot take place in Sudan because the Sudan People’s Liberation Army participated in the raids,” Mr Matsanga said.
When contacted the spokesman for the UPDF troops deployed in the DRC, Capt. Chris Magezi said they have not heard of the attack.
“We are not aware of that,” Capt. Magezi said via satellite telephone link from Dungu yesterday.
Sunday Monitor has separately learnt that the army has stepped up its vigilance in West Nile. Before Operation Lightning Thunder, the army had repeatedly said they have secured Uganda’s borders against possible infiltration by the LRA, a terror group that for years has used panga’s, among other weapons, to kill and maim their victims.
Up to two million Ugandans were at one time internally displaced in northern Uganda as result of the insurgency.
The Governor of Central Equatoria state, which covers the provincial capital of Juba, Major General Clement Wani Konga, on Monday warned of imminent attacks by the LRA rebels in the region.
The UPDF said military strikes on Kony’s bases were necessary to force the elusive rebel leader to sign a peace deal. Kony has thrice failed to show up at the signing venue since at various since the beginning of this year.
Meanwhile, Sunday Monitor has established that the UPDF have established their second tactical headquarters at Camp Swahili, the former LRA headquarters, inside the Garamba forests that were occupied by the troops this week.
Between September 17 and October 4, sources in Monuc, the UN mission in DR Congo, say the LRA attacked 10 villages and abducted of between 100 and 200 people, as well as killing up to a 100 others. The attacks displaced over 70,000 people.
Kampala
In an apparent revenge attack following military raids on their territories, suspected Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebels have killed two civilians in South Sudan, a regional official has said.
The Deputy Governor of the Western Equatoria state, Joseph Ngere told Sudan Tribune, a Sudanese online daily publication on Friday, suspected LRA rebels killed two youths in an ambush at Tore, an area on the South Sudan-Democratic Republic of Congo border on Thursday.
“The deputy governor Ngere said there are growing fears in Western Equatoria state that the fighting may spill over to the state,” the Sudan Tribune quoted the governor as saying.
Uganda, DR Congo and the semi-autonomous South Sudan last Sunday launched joint military strikes in an operation codenamed ‘Lightning Thunder’ against the LRA rebels who have been holed up in north-eastern Congo’s Garamba forests since 2005.
But the statement by Governor Ngere on the attack could be a signal that, though the LRA may have been displaced from its bases as a result of last Sunday’s air strikes, the reclusive rebel leader Joseph Kony’s will to forment mischief is not yet over.
Last Sunday’s strike had the stated objective of applying pressure on Kony to sign the Final Peace Agreement negotiated with the Uganda government since 2006. The operation’s commander, Brig. Patrick Kankiriho has said they wanted to “break Kony’s back”.
However, emerging information suggests that the rebels may have been tipped-off before the attack, meaning the onslaught hit empty encampments and ultimately appears to have failed in its primary objective.
Thursday’s ambush at Tore is the one consequence of military action that political leaders in northern Uganda had warned about, saying the LRA could mount retaliatory strikes, forcing their people who have enjoyed relative peace back into the crowded internally displaced persons camps.
Meanwhile, the LRA peace delegation chairman, Mr. David Nyekorach Matsanga said by telephone yesterday, he could not confirm or deny the attack. He promised to verify the information from military commanders on the ground.
“As far we are concerned we are ready for peace not fighting,” Mr Matsanga said. “If there is ceasefire, it will enable our troops to re-assemble in Rii-kwangba, the designated assembly point,” he added.
Mr Matsanga told Sunday Monitor yesterday, they have not closed the door to peace efforts but will no longer allow South Sudan’s semi-autonomous government to chair any talks. Until last Sunday, South Sudan Vice President, Dr Riek Machar, was chief mediator to the Juba peace process.
“I have spoken to LRA and they are asking for cessation of hostilities. They are however saying future negotiations cannot take place in Sudan because the Sudan People’s Liberation Army participated in the raids,” Mr Matsanga said.
When contacted the spokesman for the UPDF troops deployed in the DRC, Capt. Chris Magezi said they have not heard of the attack.
“We are not aware of that,” Capt. Magezi said via satellite telephone link from Dungu yesterday.
Sunday Monitor has separately learnt that the army has stepped up its vigilance in West Nile. Before Operation Lightning Thunder, the army had repeatedly said they have secured Uganda’s borders against possible infiltration by the LRA, a terror group that for years has used panga’s, among other weapons, to kill and maim their victims.
Up to two million Ugandans were at one time internally displaced in northern Uganda as result of the insurgency.
The Governor of Central Equatoria state, which covers the provincial capital of Juba, Major General Clement Wani Konga, on Monday warned of imminent attacks by the LRA rebels in the region.
The UPDF said military strikes on Kony’s bases were necessary to force the elusive rebel leader to sign a peace deal. Kony has thrice failed to show up at the signing venue since at various since the beginning of this year.
Meanwhile, Sunday Monitor has established that the UPDF have established their second tactical headquarters at Camp Swahili, the former LRA headquarters, inside the Garamba forests that were occupied by the troops this week.
Between September 17 and October 4, sources in Monuc, the UN mission in DR Congo, say the LRA attacked 10 villages and abducted of between 100 and 200 people, as well as killing up to a 100 others. The attacks displaced over 70,000 people.
Mugabe vows not to reverse Zimbabwe farm seizures
Sun 21 Dec 2008, 8:31 GMT
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
BINDURA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday he would not allow a unity government to reverse his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farmland and giving it to blacks.
Speaking at his ZANU-PF party's annual conference, Mugabe said that while he hoped the opposition would agree to form a coalition government, he would not compromise on policies such as land seizures, which critics say wrecked Zimbabwe's economy.
"We don't want a unity which is retrogressive," Mugabe told about 6,000 ruling party supporters at this town about 80 km (50 miles) north of the capital Harare.
"The biggest issue is of land ... the land has already been given to the people, it will not be returned to whites."
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai agreed three months ago to form a coalition government after disputed elections, but the pact has stalled as they fight over who should control key ministries.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe has sunk deeper into crisis: hyperinflation means prices double every day and a cholera epidemic has killed more than 1,100 people.
Mugabe has threatened to form a government with or without the MDC, which complains the president is trying to relegate it to a junior role.
Investors hope a unity government would wrest enough control from Mugabe to reverse the policies they blame for the meltdown, and avert total collapse in Zimbabwe. Mugabe blames Western sanctions for the crisis.
UNTILLED FARMLAND
Under the September 15 deal, land that was seized from white farmers and now lies dormant would not be returned, but would be redistributed to black farmers with the resources and skills to cultivate it.
In a sign of Zimbabwe's collapse -- and its potential -- the conference took place in a town that once relied on mining for its economic lifeblood. Those mines have recently been shut.
ZANU-PF officials earlier said the party was likely to vote on a resolution on Saturday urging Mugabe urgently to form a government unilaterally -- a move that would probably finish off the power-sharing pact.
Resolutions were being discussed behind closed doors and it was not immediately clear whether the motion had been passed.
In elections last March, ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980. Tsvangirai boycotted a run-off presidential vote in June, citing violence against his supporters.
Western countries and some African leaders have renewed calls in recent weeks for Mugabe, 84, to step down.
But, a day after vowing never to "surrender", Mugabe railed against his foes, saying the West wanted to topple him.
"Mugabe must go before Bush is going?" he said, referring to U.S. President George W. Bush, who leaves office in January. "Is it a ritual now that Bush with his political death must be accompanied by some African from
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
BINDURA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday he would not allow a unity government to reverse his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farmland and giving it to blacks.
Speaking at his ZANU-PF party's annual conference, Mugabe said that while he hoped the opposition would agree to form a coalition government, he would not compromise on policies such as land seizures, which critics say wrecked Zimbabwe's economy.
"We don't want a unity which is retrogressive," Mugabe told about 6,000 ruling party supporters at this town about 80 km (50 miles) north of the capital Harare.
"The biggest issue is of land ... the land has already been given to the people, it will not be returned to whites."
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai agreed three months ago to form a coalition government after disputed elections, but the pact has stalled as they fight over who should control key ministries.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe has sunk deeper into crisis: hyperinflation means prices double every day and a cholera epidemic has killed more than 1,100 people.
Mugabe has threatened to form a government with or without the MDC, which complains the president is trying to relegate it to a junior role.
Investors hope a unity government would wrest enough control from Mugabe to reverse the policies they blame for the meltdown, and avert total collapse in Zimbabwe. Mugabe blames Western sanctions for the crisis.
UNTILLED FARMLAND
Under the September 15 deal, land that was seized from white farmers and now lies dormant would not be returned, but would be redistributed to black farmers with the resources and skills to cultivate it.
In a sign of Zimbabwe's collapse -- and its potential -- the conference took place in a town that once relied on mining for its economic lifeblood. Those mines have recently been shut.
ZANU-PF officials earlier said the party was likely to vote on a resolution on Saturday urging Mugabe urgently to form a government unilaterally -- a move that would probably finish off the power-sharing pact.
Resolutions were being discussed behind closed doors and it was not immediately clear whether the motion had been passed.
In elections last March, ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980. Tsvangirai boycotted a run-off presidential vote in June, citing violence against his supporters.
Western countries and some African leaders have renewed calls in recent weeks for Mugabe, 84, to step down.
But, a day after vowing never to "surrender", Mugabe railed against his foes, saying the West wanted to topple him.
"Mugabe must go before Bush is going?" he said, referring to U.S. President George W. Bush, who leaves office in January. "Is it a ritual now that Bush with his political death must be accompanied by some African from
Mugabe vows not to reverse Zimbabwe farm seizures
Sun 21 Dec 2008, 8:31 GMT
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
BINDURA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday he would not allow a unity government to reverse his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farmland and giving it to blacks.
Speaking at his ZANU-PF party's annual conference, Mugabe said that while he hoped the opposition would agree to form a coalition government, he would not compromise on policies such as land seizures, which critics say wrecked Zimbabwe's economy.
"We don't want a unity which is retrogressive," Mugabe told about 6,000 ruling party supporters at this town about 80 km (50 miles) north of the capital Harare.
"The biggest issue is of land ... the land has already been given to the people, it will not be returned to whites."
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai agreed three months ago to form a coalition government after disputed elections, but the pact has stalled as they fight over who should control key ministries.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe has sunk deeper into crisis: hyperinflation means prices double every day and a cholera epidemic has killed more than 1,100 people.
Mugabe has threatened to form a government with or without the MDC, which complains the president is trying to relegate it to a junior role.
Investors hope a unity government would wrest enough control from Mugabe to reverse the policies they blame for the meltdown, and avert total collapse in Zimbabwe. Mugabe blames Western sanctions for the crisis.
UNTILLED FARMLAND
Under the September 15 deal, land that was seized from white farmers and now lies dormant would not be returned, but would be redistributed to black farmers with the resources and skills to cultivate it.
In a sign of Zimbabwe's collapse -- and its potential -- the conference took place in a town that once relied on mining for its economic lifeblood. Those mines have recently been shut.
ZANU-PF officials earlier said the party was likely to vote on a resolution on Saturday urging Mugabe urgently to form a government unilaterally -- a move that would probably finish off the power-sharing pact.
Resolutions were being discussed behind closed doors and it was not immediately clear whether the motion had been passed.
In elections last March, ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980. Tsvangirai boycotted a run-off presidential vote in June, citing violence against his supporters.
Western countries and some African leaders have renewed calls in recent weeks for Mugabe, 84, to step down.
But, a day after vowing never to "surrender", Mugabe railed against his foes, saying the West wanted to topple him.
"Mugabe must go before Bush is going?" he said, referring to U.S. President George W. Bush, who leaves office in January. "Is it a ritual now that Bush with his political death must be accompanied by some African from
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
BINDURA, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe said on Saturday he would not allow a unity government to reverse his controversial policy of seizing white-owned farmland and giving it to blacks.
Speaking at his ZANU-PF party's annual conference, Mugabe said that while he hoped the opposition would agree to form a coalition government, he would not compromise on policies such as land seizures, which critics say wrecked Zimbabwe's economy.
"We don't want a unity which is retrogressive," Mugabe told about 6,000 ruling party supporters at this town about 80 km (50 miles) north of the capital Harare.
"The biggest issue is of land ... the land has already been given to the people, it will not be returned to whites."
Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai agreed three months ago to form a coalition government after disputed elections, but the pact has stalled as they fight over who should control key ministries.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe has sunk deeper into crisis: hyperinflation means prices double every day and a cholera epidemic has killed more than 1,100 people.
Mugabe has threatened to form a government with or without the MDC, which complains the president is trying to relegate it to a junior role.
Investors hope a unity government would wrest enough control from Mugabe to reverse the policies they blame for the meltdown, and avert total collapse in Zimbabwe. Mugabe blames Western sanctions for the crisis.
UNTILLED FARMLAND
Under the September 15 deal, land that was seized from white farmers and now lies dormant would not be returned, but would be redistributed to black farmers with the resources and skills to cultivate it.
In a sign of Zimbabwe's collapse -- and its potential -- the conference took place in a town that once relied on mining for its economic lifeblood. Those mines have recently been shut.
ZANU-PF officials earlier said the party was likely to vote on a resolution on Saturday urging Mugabe urgently to form a government unilaterally -- a move that would probably finish off the power-sharing pact.
Resolutions were being discussed behind closed doors and it was not immediately clear whether the motion had been passed.
In elections last March, ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence in 1980. Tsvangirai boycotted a run-off presidential vote in June, citing violence against his supporters.
Western countries and some African leaders have renewed calls in recent weeks for Mugabe, 84, to step down.
But, a day after vowing never to "surrender", Mugabe railed against his foes, saying the West wanted to topple him.
"Mugabe must go before Bush is going?" he said, referring to U.S. President George W. Bush, who leaves office in January. "Is it a ritual now that Bush with his political death must be accompanied by some African from
Friday, December 19, 2008
Trio found guilty of Rwandan genocide
(CNN) -- The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda on Thursday convicted the "mastermind" of the Rwandan genocide and sentenced him to life in prison for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.
It is the first time the tribunal has convicted high-level officials for the 100-day genocide in 1994 which left an estimated 800,000 people dead.
Theoneste Bagosora, 67, a colonel in the Rwandan army, was found guilty along with two other men -- Major Aloys Ntabakuze and Lieutenant Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva. All were sentenced to life in prison.
The tribunal -- located in Arusha, Tanzania -- acquitted General Gratien Kabiligi, the former head of military operations, and ordered his immediate release.
CNN Chief International Correspondent Christiane Amanpour -- who covered the story -- called the verdicts "a real turning point and a milestone in justice."
"It sends a message that right up the chain of command, you cannot hide," Amanpour said.
The court said Bagosora was a key figure in drawing up plans for the genocide. A Hutu, Bagosora was convicted of ordering Hutu militia to slaughter rival Tutsis.
The massacres began after a plane crash on April 6, 1994 that killed the presidents of Rwanda and neighboring Burundi. The court said the plane was brought down by a surface-to-air missile fired from the airport in Kigali, the Rwandan capital.
Bagosora decided the military should take over and he refused to involve the prime minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, in any discussions, the court found.
April 7, while Bagosora held a crisis meeting with top military officials, the prime minister was arrested, sexually assaulted and killed by top members of the Rwandan Army, the court found.
That made Bagosora the head of all political and military affairs in Rwanda, and in that capacity, he was at the top of the chain of command.
The same day the prime minister was killed, the court said, army personnel confined and killed four important opposition leaders -- including the president of the constitutional court and government ministers -- and murdered 10 Belgian peacekeepers who had been dispatched to the prime minister's residence.
The court found Bagosora bore responsibility for those and other killings because he commanded those who carried out the crimes.
"Bagosora was the highest authority in the Ministry of Defense and exercised effective control of the Rwandan army and gendarmerie," said Presiding Judge Erik Mose. "He's therefore responsible for the murder of the prime minister, the four opposition politicians, the 10 Belgian peacekeepers, as well as the extensive military involvement in the killing of civilians during this period."
ICTR Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow said the convicted men "prepared, planned, ordered, directed, incited, encouraged and approved the murder of innocent civilian Tutsis."
The killings were carried out by military personnel on the orders of Rwandan authorities including Bagosora, the court said.
The court found that from April to July 1994, Bagosora exercised authority over members of the Rwandan Army and their militiamen, who committed massacres throughout Rwanda with Bagosora's knowledge.
"In all the regions of the country, members of the Tutsi population who were fleeing from the massacres on their hills sought refuge in locations they thought would be safe, often on the recommendation of the local civil and military authorities," the indictment said. "In many of these places, despite the promise that they would be protected by the local civil and military authorities, the refugees were attacked, abducted and massacred, often on the orders or with the complicity of those same authorities."
The indictment against Bagosora alleged he had been opposed to concessions made by his government to Tutsi rebels at 1993 peace talks in Tanzania, and had left the negotiations saying he was returning to Rwanda to "prepare the apocalypse."
The U.N. established the tribunal in late 1994. The trial began in April 2002 and has been deliberating since June 1, 2007.
During the trial, the court heard 242 witnesses -- 82 for the prosecution and 160 for the defense.
The three convicted men will be held in the tribunal's custody until a state can be found to house them.
The genocide's impact is still be felt today, with recent fighting in neighbouring Congo blamed on lingering tensions from the slaughter.
Rebel leader Laurent Nkunda says his forces are fighting to defend Congolese Tutsis from Hutu militants who escaped to Congo.
It is the first time the tribunal has convicted high-level officials for the 100-day genocide in 1994 which left an estimated 800,000 people dead.
Theoneste Bagosora, 67, a colonel in the Rwandan army, was found guilty along with two other men -- Major Aloys Ntabakuze and Lieutenant Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva. All were sentenced to life in prison.
The tribunal -- located in Arusha, Tanzania -- acquitted General Gratien Kabiligi, the former head of military operations, and ordered his immediate release.
CNN Chief International Correspondent Christiane Amanpour -- who covered the story -- called the verdicts "a real turning point and a milestone in justice."
"It sends a message that right up the chain of command, you cannot hide," Amanpour said.
The court said Bagosora was a key figure in drawing up plans for the genocide. A Hutu, Bagosora was convicted of ordering Hutu militia to slaughter rival Tutsis.
The massacres began after a plane crash on April 6, 1994 that killed the presidents of Rwanda and neighboring Burundi. The court said the plane was brought down by a surface-to-air missile fired from the airport in Kigali, the Rwandan capital.
Bagosora decided the military should take over and he refused to involve the prime minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, in any discussions, the court found.
April 7, while Bagosora held a crisis meeting with top military officials, the prime minister was arrested, sexually assaulted and killed by top members of the Rwandan Army, the court found.
That made Bagosora the head of all political and military affairs in Rwanda, and in that capacity, he was at the top of the chain of command.
The same day the prime minister was killed, the court said, army personnel confined and killed four important opposition leaders -- including the president of the constitutional court and government ministers -- and murdered 10 Belgian peacekeepers who had been dispatched to the prime minister's residence.
The court found Bagosora bore responsibility for those and other killings because he commanded those who carried out the crimes.
"Bagosora was the highest authority in the Ministry of Defense and exercised effective control of the Rwandan army and gendarmerie," said Presiding Judge Erik Mose. "He's therefore responsible for the murder of the prime minister, the four opposition politicians, the 10 Belgian peacekeepers, as well as the extensive military involvement in the killing of civilians during this period."
ICTR Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow said the convicted men "prepared, planned, ordered, directed, incited, encouraged and approved the murder of innocent civilian Tutsis."
The killings were carried out by military personnel on the orders of Rwandan authorities including Bagosora, the court said.
The court found that from April to July 1994, Bagosora exercised authority over members of the Rwandan Army and their militiamen, who committed massacres throughout Rwanda with Bagosora's knowledge.
"In all the regions of the country, members of the Tutsi population who were fleeing from the massacres on their hills sought refuge in locations they thought would be safe, often on the recommendation of the local civil and military authorities," the indictment said. "In many of these places, despite the promise that they would be protected by the local civil and military authorities, the refugees were attacked, abducted and massacred, often on the orders or with the complicity of those same authorities."
The indictment against Bagosora alleged he had been opposed to concessions made by his government to Tutsi rebels at 1993 peace talks in Tanzania, and had left the negotiations saying he was returning to Rwanda to "prepare the apocalypse."
The U.N. established the tribunal in late 1994. The trial began in April 2002 and has been deliberating since June 1, 2007.
During the trial, the court heard 242 witnesses -- 82 for the prosecution and 160 for the defense.
The three convicted men will be held in the tribunal's custody until a state can be found to house them.
The genocide's impact is still be felt today, with recent fighting in neighbouring Congo blamed on lingering tensions from the slaughter.
Rebel leader Laurent Nkunda says his forces are fighting to defend Congolese Tutsis from Hutu militants who escaped to Congo.
Sunday, December 14, 2008
UN SECURITY COUNCIL REPORT
NOVEMBER 2008
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
Expected Council Action
The dramatic developments in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) suggest that the Council will continue to watch the situation closely. It remains to be seen, however, whether the Council will agree to include the issue in the Council’s November programme of work. (Further discussions seem to be warranted especially in view of the regional implications and the grave risks for civilians in the light of the history of genocide in the region and the regional/ethnic roots of the problem.) It also remains to be seen how DRC issues will be featured by members in their statements in the thematic debate on protection of civilians in November.
The DRC Sanctions Committee expects to receive the final report of the Group of Experts monitoring the sanctions regime in late November. (The report had been originally expected on 15 November, in line with resolution 1807 of 31 March.)
Key Recent Developments
Initial armed clashes in the eastern DRC have escalated into all-out war. Several towns and camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) were overrun and the provincial capital of Goma was under imminent threat with the armed forces of the DRC (Forces armées de la République Démocratique du Congo, or FARDC) fleeing the city in disarray. At press time, rebel general Laurent Nkunda who heads the National Congress for the Defence of the People (Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple, or CNDP) declared a unilateral ceasefire. There are reports of direct involvement in the fighting by UN peacekeepers.
Tensions between the DRC and Rwanda have grown since early October and seem to have escalated into direct exchanges and fire across the border. The DRC government alleges that Rwandan government forces have lent their support to the CNDP. The Rwandan government alleges government support of “forces of genocide” comprising the former Armed Forces of Rwanda (ex-FAR) and the extremist militia Hutu forces (Interahamwe) and the rebel Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, or the FDLR). (The ex-FAR was the army of the ethnic Hutu-dominated Rwandan regime during the genocide in 1994. The Interahamwe was the civilian militia force that carried out much of the killing during the genocide.) In 2000 the FDLR was formed as a successor to the Hutu exiles’ driven Army for the Liberation of Rwanda (ALIR) which was made up of ex-FAR and Interahamwe members.
Nkunda’s CNDP was formed in 2004 originally to protect Congolese Tutsis residing in eastern DRC from attacks by ex-FAR/Interahamwe/FDLR, although Nkunda has in recent times called for a national insurrection against the incumbent Congolese government. (For recent background details on these issues please see our 14 October Update Report.) In a letter to the president of the Council on 14 October, the Rwandan ambassador to the UN conveyed his government’s allegations of collaboration between the FARDC and the ex-FAR/Interahamwe and the FDLR. On 15 October the ambassador requested the Council to condemn the alleged collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR, sanction five FARDC commanders “directly involved in the most recent collaboration with the forces of genocide”, and suspend the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC) support to the FARDC “until there is a verified end to the FARDC/FDLR co-location and collaboration.”
On 21 October the Council adopted a presidential statement which:
expressed concern about the resurgence of violence in the eastern parts of the DRC and its humanitarian consequences;
welcomed the intention of MONUC to reconfigure its forces to optimise their deployment within the current troop ceiling and mandate; noted (but did not approve) the reinforcements requested in early October by Special Representative of the Secretary-General and head of MONUC, Alan Doss;requested a comprehensive analysis of the situation from the Secretary-General and recommendations for the renewal of MONUC’s mandate in the next report for the Council’s consideration;
condemned recent calls by Nkunda for a national insurrection;urged the Congolese government to take effective steps to ensure that there is no cooperation between elements of the FARDC and the FDLR.
called on the governments in the region to cease all support to the armed groups in the eastern DRC;
encouraged the Secretary-General to step up his efforts to facilitate dialogue between the DRC and Rwanda;
urged the governments of the DRC and Rwanda to engage in efforts to settle their differences; and condemned the recent attacks by the LRA and made reference to the International Criminal Court’s indictments against the LRA leadership.
Over the weekend of 25 October Nkunda’s forces captured a major Congolese army base at Rumangabo and the headquarters of Virunga National Park. On 26 October the UN accused Nkunda’s soldiers of firing rockets at two UN vehicles, injuring several peacekeepers. The accusation was denied by a spokesman for Nkunda.
On 27 and 28 October Congolese protesters attacked the UN's headquarters in Goma over what they saw as insufficient protection for them and support to Congolese government forces against the offensive by Nkunda’s forces. Thousands of refugees displaced by the fighting have reportedly moved into Goma. UN peacekeepers were reported to have deployed to battle the rebels, using UN helicopter gunships and ground forces against the rebels in Rumangabo. The rationale for this action may have been to protect IDPs in the area—but that remains unclear. Nkunda’s army seems to have forced the national army to withdraw from Kimbumba and was reported to be advancing on Goma.
On 27 October Lieutenant General Vicente Diaz de Villegas y Herrería of Spain indicated that he would relinquish his post citing personal reasons (he had been appointed as force commander for MONUC seven weeks before). Brigadier General Ishmeel Ben Quartey of Ghana was named to serve as Acting Force Commander until a successor to Diaz was appointed.
On 28 October the Security Council was briefed in private consultations by the Under Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations Alain Le Roy on the security situation in the eastern provinces of the DRC. He reportedly informed the Council that the situation on the ground was very critical, with Nkunda’s forces having advanced within a few kilometres of Goma. Le Roy emphasised the request that had been made in early October by Doss for reinforcements for MONUC. He suggested that a political solution involving all the parties was critical. Apparently there was some discussion of the Secretary-General appointing a special envoy to directly engage the DRC and Rwanda. Le Roy also discussed possible options for a multinational force being deployed to assist in securing Goma.
Speaking to the media on 28 October, the president of the Council indicated that during the meeting Council members:
expressed grave concern at the resurgence of violence in eastern DRC and strongly condemned the “offensive operations”;
urged all parties to immediately observe a ceasefire and to implement the disengagement plan;
expressed deep concern over the humanitarian consequences of the recent fighting and its negative implications for regional peace and stability; reiterated the need for all parties to the Goma and Nairobi agreements to implement them effectively; and
expressed support for the peacemaking efforts of the Secretary-General and MONUC in the DRC, and called on the relevant parties to cooperate with MONUC to achieve peace and stability in the country and the Great Lakes region.
On 29 October 2008, Council adopted a presidential statement which:
condemned the CNDP offensive in the eastern DRC and demanded that it bring its operations to an end. The Council welcomed the announcement by Laurent Nkunda of an immediate ceasefire and anticipated that he would ensure its effective and durable implementation, and the CNDP’s reengagement in the Goma process; expressed its grave concern about the dramatic humanitarian consequences of the fighting and urged all parties to respect fully their obligations under international law to protect civilians; urged all the signatories to the Goma and Nairobi processes to implement their commitments effectively and in good faith and called on the DRC and Rwandan authorities to take concrete steps to defuse tensions and to restore stability in the region; supported the efforts of the Secretary General to facilitate dialogue between the leaders of the DRC and Rwanda and encouraged him to send a special envoy tasked with this mission as soon as possible;
urged the Government of the DRC to take effective steps to ensure that there is no cooperation between elements of the FARDC and the FDLR and called upon the Governments of the region to cease all support to the armed groups in the eastern region of the DRC; expressed its concern at the reports of heavy weapons fire across the DRC-Rwanda border and reiterates its determination to continue to monitor closely the implementation of the arms embargo and other measures as set out in its resolution 1807; expressed its full support for MONUC and condemned all attacks launched against MONUC and called on MONUC to continue to implement fully its mandate, in all its aspects, especailly “by robust actions to protect civilians at risk and to deter any attempt to threaten the political process by any armed group”; and noted the request by the UN Secretariat for reinforcement of the MONUC and indicated that Council would “study expeditiously that request in view of the developments of the situation on the ground.”
Key Issues
The key issue for the Council is the dangerous situation in the DRC, with its worrying humanitarian implications, and the related issues for the Great Lakes region as a whole. Related issues include urgent protection of civilians requirements and the concerns and role of Rwanda.
The underlying problem is that, despite the agreements which have led to relative stability in western DRC, in the east the Tutsi minority still feels extremely insecure due to lack of accommodations of their concerns by Kinshasa and the presence in the region of the illegal Hutu elements from Rwanda who had perpetrated the genocide against their Tutsi cousins in that country. This situation has fueled the Nkunda rebellion. Equally serious is the problem of relocating Hutu back to Rwanda because of the unwillingness there to make some political accommodations.
Options
Options for the Council members include:
agree to include either DRC or the Great Lakes as an item in the programme of work as a signal of its seriousness on the issue and determination to take further action;
use their interventions in the November debate on protection of civilians to highlight the problem in eastern DRC;
initiate discussions immediately on the request made by Doss for reinforcements for MONUC and on elements for a draft resolution authorising a multinational force, should that become a more feasible immediate option;
develop an initiative to produce a comprehensive political solution to the regional tension involving not only the good offices of the Secretary-General but also more active leadership from the Council and close cooperation with the AU (this might include pressing Kinshasa to accept the need for a formal ceasefire and a negotiated solution with Nkunda followed by a real solution to the ex-FAR/FDLR problem—thereby removing justifications cited by Nkunda and the Rwandan government for their positions). Pressure on Kigali to use its influence with Nkunda to get a reasonable ceasefire is also critical along with pressure for some reforms to improve the comfort level of moderate Hutu; in view of the situation confronting civilians and the history of genocide in the area to encourage the Secretary-General to use his Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide as a part of any high-level team sent to the region; and in their capacities as members of the Sanctions Committee to explore possible measures against individuals responsible for attacks on civilians and creating lists of individuals to be targeted with sanctions for recruiting and using child soldiers, and targeting women or children for violence, including sexual crimes, in line with its resolutions 1698 of July 2006 and 1807 of March 2008 respectively.
Council Dynamics
Council members’ caution in early October about Doss’ request for temporary additional troops for MONUC is now coming back to haunt them. It seems that only France was really sympathetic to Doss’ request.
The willingness to discount the Special Representative’s warnings seems to have been related to the general hesitancy among Council members about the feasibility of obtaining requisite funding and additional troops to meet such requests. The escalation of the conflict in eastern DRC and the mounting tension between Kinshasa and Kigali now seems likely to make some sort of intervention inevitable and probably at much greater financial cost than would have been the case.
Council members also refrained in their 21 October presidential statement from directly addressing the underlying political issues. They seemed to prefer to address the problem indirectly.
The DRC Sanctions Committee members (comprising all 15 Council members) seem to accept the request from the Group of Experts for a delay in its next report, especially since this could result in receiving a much more comprehensive document and also because the request was dictated by practical (and not political) considerations. Agreement to the delay is also, reportedly, due in part to an understanding that the Group of Experts’ report would be submitted before intensive consideration begins on the review of the DRC sanctions regime in December, as stipulated in resolution 1807.
Underlying Problems
The continued presence of illegal armed groups, especially those originating in Rwanda and responsible for 1994 genocide remain a key problem which exacerbates the insecurity felt by the Tutsi community which is protected by Nkunda forces. Weak state institutions, the illicit flow of arms and formidable socioeconomic challenges also continue to impede efforts at peacebuilding in the DRC.
UN Documents
Selected Security Council Resolutions
S/RES/1820 (19 June 2008) on women, peace and security indicated the Council’s intention to consider the “appropriateness of targeted and graduated measures” against parties who committed acts of violence towards women and girls in situations of conflict.
S/RES/1807 (31 March 2008) lifted the arms embargo for government forces, strengthened measures related to aviation and customs, renewed until 31 December 2008 the sanctions regime on the DRC and extended the mandate of the Group of Experts for the same period.
S/RES/1698 (31 July 2006), 1649 (21 December 2005) and 1596 (18 April 2005) strengthened sanctions, including, in resolution 1698, provisions against actors recruiting and using children in armed conflict in the DRC.
S/RES/1533 (12 March 2004) established the Sanctions Committee and the Group of Experts.
Latest Presidential Statement
S/PRST/2008/40 (29 October 2008) condemned the rebel CNDP offensive in the eastern region of the DRC and demanded that it ends its operations, welcomed the announcement by Nkunda of an immediate ceasefire, noted the request for reinforcement of the MONUC made by the UN Secretariat and indicated that it would “study expeditiously that request in view of the developments of the situation on the ground.”
S/PRST/2008/38 (21 October 2008) expressed concern about the resurgence of violence in the eastern parts of the DRC, requested a comprehensive analysis of the situation from the Secretary-General and recommendations for the renewal of MONUC’s mandate in the next report for the Council’s consideration.
Latest Secretary-General’s Report
S/2008/433 (3 July 2008) was the latest (twenty-sixth) report on the DRC.
Selected Sanctions Committee Document
S/2008/43 (11 February 2008) was the latest report of the Group of Experts for the DRC.
Other
S/2008/652 (15 October 2008) was a letter from the Rwandan ambassador to the UN to the president of the Council conveying the Rwanda government’s request to the Council to condemn the collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR, sanction implicated FARDC commanders and suspend MONUC support to the FARDC.
S/2008/649 (14 October 2008) was a letter from the Rwandan ambassador to the UN to the president of the Council conveying the Rwanda governments’ allegations of collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR.
S/2008/526 (6 August 2008) was the letter from the Secretary-General informing the president of the Council about his appointment of two people to replace the arms and aviation experts of the Group of Experts on the DRC for the remainder of the Group’s current mandate.
S/2008/312 (9 May 2008) was the letter from the Secretary-General informing the president of the Council about his appointment of six persons to serve on the Group of Experts.
SC/9312 (28 April 2008) was the press release on the DRC Sanctions Committee delisting of Kisoni Kambale from its consolidated list on assets freezes and travel bans.
S/AC.51/2008/4 (14 January 2008) was the letter from the president of the Council to the Chair of the DRC Sanctions Committee following up on the recommendations of the Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict.
Other Relevant Facts
Chairman of the DRC Sanctions Committee
Ambassador R.M. Marty M. Natalegawa (Indonesia)
Group of Experts
Sergio Finardi (Italy, aviation expert)
Jason Stearns (USA, regional expert and Coordinator of the Group)
Mouctar Kokouma Diallo (Guinea, customs expert)
Peter Danssaert (Belgium, arms expert)
Dinesh Mahtani (UK, finance expert)
Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of Mission
Alan Doss (UK)
MONUC Acting Force Commander
Brigadier General Ishmeel Ben Quartey (Ghana)
Size, Composition and Cost of Mission
Strength as of 30 August: 16,668 troops, 670 military observers, 1,051 police, 937 international civilian personnel and 2,120 local civilian staff.
Approved budget (1 July 2008-30 June 2009): $1,242.73 million
Duration
30 November 1999 to present; mandate expires on 31 December 2008
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
Expected Council Action
The dramatic developments in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) suggest that the Council will continue to watch the situation closely. It remains to be seen, however, whether the Council will agree to include the issue in the Council’s November programme of work. (Further discussions seem to be warranted especially in view of the regional implications and the grave risks for civilians in the light of the history of genocide in the region and the regional/ethnic roots of the problem.) It also remains to be seen how DRC issues will be featured by members in their statements in the thematic debate on protection of civilians in November.
The DRC Sanctions Committee expects to receive the final report of the Group of Experts monitoring the sanctions regime in late November. (The report had been originally expected on 15 November, in line with resolution 1807 of 31 March.)
Key Recent Developments
Initial armed clashes in the eastern DRC have escalated into all-out war. Several towns and camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) were overrun and the provincial capital of Goma was under imminent threat with the armed forces of the DRC (Forces armées de la République Démocratique du Congo, or FARDC) fleeing the city in disarray. At press time, rebel general Laurent Nkunda who heads the National Congress for the Defence of the People (Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple, or CNDP) declared a unilateral ceasefire. There are reports of direct involvement in the fighting by UN peacekeepers.
Tensions between the DRC and Rwanda have grown since early October and seem to have escalated into direct exchanges and fire across the border. The DRC government alleges that Rwandan government forces have lent their support to the CNDP. The Rwandan government alleges government support of “forces of genocide” comprising the former Armed Forces of Rwanda (ex-FAR) and the extremist militia Hutu forces (Interahamwe) and the rebel Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Forces démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, or the FDLR). (The ex-FAR was the army of the ethnic Hutu-dominated Rwandan regime during the genocide in 1994. The Interahamwe was the civilian militia force that carried out much of the killing during the genocide.) In 2000 the FDLR was formed as a successor to the Hutu exiles’ driven Army for the Liberation of Rwanda (ALIR) which was made up of ex-FAR and Interahamwe members.
Nkunda’s CNDP was formed in 2004 originally to protect Congolese Tutsis residing in eastern DRC from attacks by ex-FAR/Interahamwe/FDLR, although Nkunda has in recent times called for a national insurrection against the incumbent Congolese government. (For recent background details on these issues please see our 14 October Update Report.) In a letter to the president of the Council on 14 October, the Rwandan ambassador to the UN conveyed his government’s allegations of collaboration between the FARDC and the ex-FAR/Interahamwe and the FDLR. On 15 October the ambassador requested the Council to condemn the alleged collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR, sanction five FARDC commanders “directly involved in the most recent collaboration with the forces of genocide”, and suspend the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC) support to the FARDC “until there is a verified end to the FARDC/FDLR co-location and collaboration.”
On 21 October the Council adopted a presidential statement which:
expressed concern about the resurgence of violence in the eastern parts of the DRC and its humanitarian consequences;
welcomed the intention of MONUC to reconfigure its forces to optimise their deployment within the current troop ceiling and mandate; noted (but did not approve) the reinforcements requested in early October by Special Representative of the Secretary-General and head of MONUC, Alan Doss;requested a comprehensive analysis of the situation from the Secretary-General and recommendations for the renewal of MONUC’s mandate in the next report for the Council’s consideration;
condemned recent calls by Nkunda for a national insurrection;urged the Congolese government to take effective steps to ensure that there is no cooperation between elements of the FARDC and the FDLR.
called on the governments in the region to cease all support to the armed groups in the eastern DRC;
encouraged the Secretary-General to step up his efforts to facilitate dialogue between the DRC and Rwanda;
urged the governments of the DRC and Rwanda to engage in efforts to settle their differences; and condemned the recent attacks by the LRA and made reference to the International Criminal Court’s indictments against the LRA leadership.
Over the weekend of 25 October Nkunda’s forces captured a major Congolese army base at Rumangabo and the headquarters of Virunga National Park. On 26 October the UN accused Nkunda’s soldiers of firing rockets at two UN vehicles, injuring several peacekeepers. The accusation was denied by a spokesman for Nkunda.
On 27 and 28 October Congolese protesters attacked the UN's headquarters in Goma over what they saw as insufficient protection for them and support to Congolese government forces against the offensive by Nkunda’s forces. Thousands of refugees displaced by the fighting have reportedly moved into Goma. UN peacekeepers were reported to have deployed to battle the rebels, using UN helicopter gunships and ground forces against the rebels in Rumangabo. The rationale for this action may have been to protect IDPs in the area—but that remains unclear. Nkunda’s army seems to have forced the national army to withdraw from Kimbumba and was reported to be advancing on Goma.
On 27 October Lieutenant General Vicente Diaz de Villegas y Herrería of Spain indicated that he would relinquish his post citing personal reasons (he had been appointed as force commander for MONUC seven weeks before). Brigadier General Ishmeel Ben Quartey of Ghana was named to serve as Acting Force Commander until a successor to Diaz was appointed.
On 28 October the Security Council was briefed in private consultations by the Under Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations Alain Le Roy on the security situation in the eastern provinces of the DRC. He reportedly informed the Council that the situation on the ground was very critical, with Nkunda’s forces having advanced within a few kilometres of Goma. Le Roy emphasised the request that had been made in early October by Doss for reinforcements for MONUC. He suggested that a political solution involving all the parties was critical. Apparently there was some discussion of the Secretary-General appointing a special envoy to directly engage the DRC and Rwanda. Le Roy also discussed possible options for a multinational force being deployed to assist in securing Goma.
Speaking to the media on 28 October, the president of the Council indicated that during the meeting Council members:
expressed grave concern at the resurgence of violence in eastern DRC and strongly condemned the “offensive operations”;
urged all parties to immediately observe a ceasefire and to implement the disengagement plan;
expressed deep concern over the humanitarian consequences of the recent fighting and its negative implications for regional peace and stability; reiterated the need for all parties to the Goma and Nairobi agreements to implement them effectively; and
expressed support for the peacemaking efforts of the Secretary-General and MONUC in the DRC, and called on the relevant parties to cooperate with MONUC to achieve peace and stability in the country and the Great Lakes region.
On 29 October 2008, Council adopted a presidential statement which:
condemned the CNDP offensive in the eastern DRC and demanded that it bring its operations to an end. The Council welcomed the announcement by Laurent Nkunda of an immediate ceasefire and anticipated that he would ensure its effective and durable implementation, and the CNDP’s reengagement in the Goma process; expressed its grave concern about the dramatic humanitarian consequences of the fighting and urged all parties to respect fully their obligations under international law to protect civilians; urged all the signatories to the Goma and Nairobi processes to implement their commitments effectively and in good faith and called on the DRC and Rwandan authorities to take concrete steps to defuse tensions and to restore stability in the region; supported the efforts of the Secretary General to facilitate dialogue between the leaders of the DRC and Rwanda and encouraged him to send a special envoy tasked with this mission as soon as possible;
urged the Government of the DRC to take effective steps to ensure that there is no cooperation between elements of the FARDC and the FDLR and called upon the Governments of the region to cease all support to the armed groups in the eastern region of the DRC; expressed its concern at the reports of heavy weapons fire across the DRC-Rwanda border and reiterates its determination to continue to monitor closely the implementation of the arms embargo and other measures as set out in its resolution 1807; expressed its full support for MONUC and condemned all attacks launched against MONUC and called on MONUC to continue to implement fully its mandate, in all its aspects, especailly “by robust actions to protect civilians at risk and to deter any attempt to threaten the political process by any armed group”; and noted the request by the UN Secretariat for reinforcement of the MONUC and indicated that Council would “study expeditiously that request in view of the developments of the situation on the ground.”
Key Issues
The key issue for the Council is the dangerous situation in the DRC, with its worrying humanitarian implications, and the related issues for the Great Lakes region as a whole. Related issues include urgent protection of civilians requirements and the concerns and role of Rwanda.
The underlying problem is that, despite the agreements which have led to relative stability in western DRC, in the east the Tutsi minority still feels extremely insecure due to lack of accommodations of their concerns by Kinshasa and the presence in the region of the illegal Hutu elements from Rwanda who had perpetrated the genocide against their Tutsi cousins in that country. This situation has fueled the Nkunda rebellion. Equally serious is the problem of relocating Hutu back to Rwanda because of the unwillingness there to make some political accommodations.
Options
Options for the Council members include:
agree to include either DRC or the Great Lakes as an item in the programme of work as a signal of its seriousness on the issue and determination to take further action;
use their interventions in the November debate on protection of civilians to highlight the problem in eastern DRC;
initiate discussions immediately on the request made by Doss for reinforcements for MONUC and on elements for a draft resolution authorising a multinational force, should that become a more feasible immediate option;
develop an initiative to produce a comprehensive political solution to the regional tension involving not only the good offices of the Secretary-General but also more active leadership from the Council and close cooperation with the AU (this might include pressing Kinshasa to accept the need for a formal ceasefire and a negotiated solution with Nkunda followed by a real solution to the ex-FAR/FDLR problem—thereby removing justifications cited by Nkunda and the Rwandan government for their positions). Pressure on Kigali to use its influence with Nkunda to get a reasonable ceasefire is also critical along with pressure for some reforms to improve the comfort level of moderate Hutu; in view of the situation confronting civilians and the history of genocide in the area to encourage the Secretary-General to use his Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide as a part of any high-level team sent to the region; and in their capacities as members of the Sanctions Committee to explore possible measures against individuals responsible for attacks on civilians and creating lists of individuals to be targeted with sanctions for recruiting and using child soldiers, and targeting women or children for violence, including sexual crimes, in line with its resolutions 1698 of July 2006 and 1807 of March 2008 respectively.
Council Dynamics
Council members’ caution in early October about Doss’ request for temporary additional troops for MONUC is now coming back to haunt them. It seems that only France was really sympathetic to Doss’ request.
The willingness to discount the Special Representative’s warnings seems to have been related to the general hesitancy among Council members about the feasibility of obtaining requisite funding and additional troops to meet such requests. The escalation of the conflict in eastern DRC and the mounting tension between Kinshasa and Kigali now seems likely to make some sort of intervention inevitable and probably at much greater financial cost than would have been the case.
Council members also refrained in their 21 October presidential statement from directly addressing the underlying political issues. They seemed to prefer to address the problem indirectly.
The DRC Sanctions Committee members (comprising all 15 Council members) seem to accept the request from the Group of Experts for a delay in its next report, especially since this could result in receiving a much more comprehensive document and also because the request was dictated by practical (and not political) considerations. Agreement to the delay is also, reportedly, due in part to an understanding that the Group of Experts’ report would be submitted before intensive consideration begins on the review of the DRC sanctions regime in December, as stipulated in resolution 1807.
Underlying Problems
The continued presence of illegal armed groups, especially those originating in Rwanda and responsible for 1994 genocide remain a key problem which exacerbates the insecurity felt by the Tutsi community which is protected by Nkunda forces. Weak state institutions, the illicit flow of arms and formidable socioeconomic challenges also continue to impede efforts at peacebuilding in the DRC.
UN Documents
Selected Security Council Resolutions
S/RES/1820 (19 June 2008) on women, peace and security indicated the Council’s intention to consider the “appropriateness of targeted and graduated measures” against parties who committed acts of violence towards women and girls in situations of conflict.
S/RES/1807 (31 March 2008) lifted the arms embargo for government forces, strengthened measures related to aviation and customs, renewed until 31 December 2008 the sanctions regime on the DRC and extended the mandate of the Group of Experts for the same period.
S/RES/1698 (31 July 2006), 1649 (21 December 2005) and 1596 (18 April 2005) strengthened sanctions, including, in resolution 1698, provisions against actors recruiting and using children in armed conflict in the DRC.
S/RES/1533 (12 March 2004) established the Sanctions Committee and the Group of Experts.
Latest Presidential Statement
S/PRST/2008/40 (29 October 2008) condemned the rebel CNDP offensive in the eastern region of the DRC and demanded that it ends its operations, welcomed the announcement by Nkunda of an immediate ceasefire, noted the request for reinforcement of the MONUC made by the UN Secretariat and indicated that it would “study expeditiously that request in view of the developments of the situation on the ground.”
S/PRST/2008/38 (21 October 2008) expressed concern about the resurgence of violence in the eastern parts of the DRC, requested a comprehensive analysis of the situation from the Secretary-General and recommendations for the renewal of MONUC’s mandate in the next report for the Council’s consideration.
Latest Secretary-General’s Report
S/2008/433 (3 July 2008) was the latest (twenty-sixth) report on the DRC.
Selected Sanctions Committee Document
S/2008/43 (11 February 2008) was the latest report of the Group of Experts for the DRC.
Other
S/2008/652 (15 October 2008) was a letter from the Rwandan ambassador to the UN to the president of the Council conveying the Rwanda government’s request to the Council to condemn the collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR, sanction implicated FARDC commanders and suspend MONUC support to the FARDC.
S/2008/649 (14 October 2008) was a letter from the Rwandan ambassador to the UN to the president of the Council conveying the Rwanda governments’ allegations of collaboration between the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ex-FAR Interahamwe/FDLR.
S/2008/526 (6 August 2008) was the letter from the Secretary-General informing the president of the Council about his appointment of two people to replace the arms and aviation experts of the Group of Experts on the DRC for the remainder of the Group’s current mandate.
S/2008/312 (9 May 2008) was the letter from the Secretary-General informing the president of the Council about his appointment of six persons to serve on the Group of Experts.
SC/9312 (28 April 2008) was the press release on the DRC Sanctions Committee delisting of Kisoni Kambale from its consolidated list on assets freezes and travel bans.
S/AC.51/2008/4 (14 January 2008) was the letter from the president of the Council to the Chair of the DRC Sanctions Committee following up on the recommendations of the Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict.
Other Relevant Facts
Chairman of the DRC Sanctions Committee
Ambassador R.M. Marty M. Natalegawa (Indonesia)
Group of Experts
Sergio Finardi (Italy, aviation expert)
Jason Stearns (USA, regional expert and Coordinator of the Group)
Mouctar Kokouma Diallo (Guinea, customs expert)
Peter Danssaert (Belgium, arms expert)
Dinesh Mahtani (UK, finance expert)
Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of Mission
Alan Doss (UK)
MONUC Acting Force Commander
Brigadier General Ishmeel Ben Quartey (Ghana)
Size, Composition and Cost of Mission
Strength as of 30 August: 16,668 troops, 670 military observers, 1,051 police, 937 international civilian personnel and 2,120 local civilian staff.
Approved budget (1 July 2008-30 June 2009): $1,242.73 million
Duration
30 November 1999 to present; mandate expires on 31 December 2008
A place where tears are dried.....
Overview
If the Rwandan genocide represents the failure of the global community to act, then the ASYV represents the power of people from around the world coming together to create a solution to a serious challenge.
The ASYV will not only provide the basic human needs of food, shelter, and protection in order to meet the needs of traumatized youth still struggling with the aftereffects of genocide, but also prepare these youth to take on leadership roles in their society and enable them to move towards the mending of the world beyond them. ASYV will integrate two central elements – the living environment and the learning environment:
Living Environment
A rich, communal living environment will provide the security, structure, and unconditional support which are vital to rehabilitating orphans who otherwise would not experience any form of normative ‘family’ life. This will enable them to feel nurtured, so that they may begin the healing process, and also cultivate a strong sense of self and of social justice. The living environment will also tend to the physical needs of the youth, many of whom suffer from psychological conditions such as trauma, as well as medical conditions that include HIV/AIDS. Village buildings will be environmentally friendly to the extent possible; the Village will engage in sustainable agriculture; attention will be paid to landscaping and trees at the Village. A core element will be an on-site medical clinic, which will be a considerable asset to the Village's orphans, and also provide an important resource to others as it will be linked to the local community health clinic.
Learning Environment
The learning environment of the ASYV will focus on two complementary areas - formal and informal education. The core principles of the informal education curriculum are healing and enrichment. In addition to the therapeutic living environment, ASYV will provide individualized therapies to assist in the healing of each student. Outreach and community service programs will be an integral part of the informal curriculum, as focusing on and being engaged in helping others is a proven methodology for personal healing and leadership development. The formal education at the ASYV school, which incorporates the philosophy of the Village, will provide access to an education – and thus a future – for many who would not otherwise be able to receive it. Students will benefit from on-site computer and arts centers. They will have the opportunity to pursue vocational training, and to be awarded university scholarships.
Impact beyond the village
A strong educational system is vital to rehabilitating the younger generation. ASYV will give its students the skills they need to realize their potential as individuals and to become contributing members of society, helping to build a stronger Rwanda.
ASYV graduates will not only be able to care for themselves and their families, but will form a cadre of individuals with a strong commitment to improving their community and the world, utilizing the tools that ASYV has given them to take action and contribute towards the future of a country recovering from complete devastation.
The potential significance of ASYV reaches far beyond Rwanda, as this project has immense capacity for replication and profound impact. The comprehensive and innovative response to the trauma of the orphan and genocide experience will serve as a model for the successful integration of orphans into civil society, wherever they may be.
The Philosophy
Repairing the individual
The philosophy behind the ASYV is based heavily on the Yemin Orde Youth Village. We believe that there is a timeline in every life, so each one of the traumatized youth that comes through the ASYV has a past, a present and a future. They are in the village because there was a break between their past and their present, some traumatic event that they need to repair in order for them to live in the present and even dream about having a future.
At the village, each child will deal with that break on two levels. One is called tikkun halev, which is repairing the heart. These include individual therapies that range from music, art, or animal therapy, to seeing a psychologist or psychiatrist. Then there’s another level of therapies called tikkun olam, which is repairing the world. The notion is that the way that you heal yourself is by going out and doing for others, because whoever you are there are others less fortunate than you, and you heal yourself through doing for them.
Building on a successful model
ASYV will work in partnership with Yemin Orde and follow its successful model to further the treatment and growth of abandoned children and youth by placing them in a safe, structured environment with a rich community life, while minimizing threats and exposing them to elements of parental wholeness. Additionally, it will provide them with quality education while adequately preparing them for their future roles in society. Ethiopian Israelis, many of them graduates of Yemin Orde, are helping to bring the model to Rwanda, sharing their own personal experiences.
Focus on learning
ASYV will focus on developing students both cognitively and socially. Schooling will be geared towards university and also provide students with choices for vocational tracks. The curriculum will focus on communal participation, and encourage the spirit of volunteerism as a means for sustainable development and community enrichment. It will also seek to expand each student’s talents, skills, and capacity to become not only functioning members of society but leaders of their communities.
The History
The spark of an idea
In November of 2005, ASYV founder Anne Heyman and her husband Seth Merrin heard a talk about the Rwanda genocide by Paul Rusesabagina, the subject of the movie Hotel Rwanda. At a dinner after the talk, Seth asked Paul to identify the biggest problem facing Rwanda today. Paul replied that in a country with 1.2 million orphans – 15% of the population – there is no future for that country unless you can figure out how to help those children.
Immediately, Anne, a South African-born lawyer and mother of three living in New York City, connected the challenge of the Rwandan orphan population to the similar challenge that Israel faced after the Second World War, when there had been a large influx of orphans from the Holocaust. To care for these traumatized youth, Israel built residential living communities called youth villages. Anne was inspired to bring this model to Rwanda.
Making connections
Anne began reaching out to people in Rwanda, Israel and the United States, to share her idea and learn how to realize her vision. She met with officials at the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC), an international humanitarian organization, which agreed to offer logistical support for the project. The ASYV is now a special project of JDC’s non-sectarian international development program.
It takes a village
The JDC connected Anne to Dr. Chaim Peri, who runs Yemin Orde, one of the Israel youth villages on which the ASYV would come to be modeled. Established in 1953, Yemin Orde originally cared for orphans from the Holocaust, but since then has come to serve many other traumatized youth, including from South America, the former Soviet Union, and Ethiopia. Several Ethiopian Israeli graduates of Yemin Orde are now helping with the ASYV.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
Rwanda
Administrative map