President Kagame has called for deliberate intervation in broadband accessibility

President Paul Kagame has said that widespread access to broadband for developing countries, can not be attained unless countries show willingness to this initiative.

President Kagame was speaking this sunday at the first meeting of the recently launched Broadband Commission at the International Communication Union in Geneva, Switzerland.

President Kagame will co-chair the commission with the world's richest man Carlos Slim of Mexico.
The UN believes Broadband is this century’s driver of economic growth and prosperity.

The objective of the Broadband Commission is to advocate for widespread access to broadband for developing countries.
According to the communiqué from the office of the president, The co-chairs will seek to generate a shared global vision and commitment among world leaders, a critical step in achieving accelerated deployment of broadband.

Given its proven benefits, the commission will seek ways to promote rapid and increased access to broadband for poorer nations currently lagging behind, to enable these countries to address their development challenges and actively participate in the global economy.

Sylvia Gasana

Rwisereka Andre waburiwe irengero i HUYE

Police y’igihugu muri iki gitondo yatangaje ko hari umugabo witwa Rwisereka Andre waburiwe irengero kugeza ubu iperereza rikaba ritaragaraza aho yaba aherereye.Ngo yaba yavuye mu kabari ke kitwa sombrelo gaherereye mu mujyi wa Huye mu gihe cy’isa munani z’ijoro avuga ko atashye iwe.Icyakora police y’igihugu ikavuga ko iperereza rigikorwa ryerekana ko uwo mugabo yaraye ahaye mushiki we babana mu rugo amafaranga ibihumbi magana 6 amubwira ko ashobora gutaha atinze.Kuva igihe yatangiye ayo mafaranga ngo yaba atari yaboneka mu rugo iwe nkuko tubikeshya Eric Kayiranga umuvugizi wa police y’igihugu.

Police y’igihugu ikaba isaba umuryango we kuba utuje mu gihe iperereza rigikorwa ku irengero rya Andre Rwisereka.Amakuru avugwa hırya no hino avuga ko imodoka ya Rwisereka police yayisanze yamenetse parabrise aricyo kirahure cy’imbere y’imodoka. Gusa cari n'abavuga ko yaba yaguye mu gaco k'abagizi ba nabi. Inkuru turacyayibakurikiranira.


Emmanuel Mungwarakarama

Gwynne Dyer: Rwanda president Paul Kagame tiptoes around democracy

Gwynne Dyer: Rwanda president Paul Kagame tiptoes around democracy
By Gwynne Dyer





Rwanda president Paul Kagame will not risk real democracy, despite a remarkable economic growth rate of 11 percent last year.

Did Paul Kagame really stop the genocide in Rwanda 16 years ago, or did he just interrupt it for a while?

That question frightens him so much that he will not risk everything on the outcome of a democratic election.

Kagame is running for reelection to the presidency of the traumatised central African country next month. If economic success automatically brought political success, he would be a shoo-in: Rwanda’s economy grew by 11 percent last year.

But in fact, his resounding election victory in 2003 was the result of ruthless manipulation, and this one will be the same.

In recent months, opposition party leaders in Rwanda have been arrested and charged with denying the genocide.

An opposition newspaper was banned and its co-editors attacked. (One died, one survived.)

Leading generals in the Rwandan army have been arrested or have fled into exile. (One was wounded last month in an attempted hit in South Africa.)

So is Kagame over-reacting? Maybe.

If you cut Kagame open, you would find engraved on his heart William Faulkner’s terrible truth: “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”

One-tenth of Rwanda’s population–at least 800,000 people, Tutsis and those who tried to protect them–were murdered by their neighbours, mostly with machetes, only sixteen years ago.

Not nearly enough time has passed yet for generational turnover to take the edge off the grief and the hate. Everybody pretends it’s over, but of course it isn’t. How could it be?

Kagame’s whole life has been shaped by genocide. He grew up in Uganda, where his parents fled when an earlier wave of violence killed about 100,000 Tutsis in Rwanda in the early 1960s.

He became the leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a mainly Tutsi exile organisation dedicated to overthrowing the Hutu extremists who ruled the country, and he led the RPF army that marched in to stop the great genocide of 1994.

He knows, of course, that Tutsis and Hutus are not really separate ethnic groups.

All of Rwanda’s 19 major clans includes both Tutsis and Hutus. They speak the same language and they live in the same villages.

The term once distinguished cattle-herders from farmers, and later the wealthy from the poor. Rich Hutus could become Tutsis–but the Tutsis naturally always remained a minority of the population.

He also knows, however, that the colonial authorities exploited those class differences and gave the Tutsis political authority over the Hutus in return for their loyalty.

By the later 20th century the Tutsis and Hutus had become ethnic groups for all practical purposes, with a constant undercurrent of resentment by the Hutus against the Tutsis.

After independence in 1960, the killing got underway very quickly. It peaked in 1994.

This past will not leave Rwanda alone. The very words “Tutsi” and “Hutu” have now been banned in Rwanda, but a ministerial investigation in 2008 found anti-Tutsi graffiti and harassment of Tutsi students in most of the schools that were visited.

The army is exclusively Tutsi and the government almost entirely so, because Kagame does not really believe that this generation of Hutus can be trusted.

To make his position even more precarious, Tutsi solidarity is breaking down.

The arrests, exile and attempted assassination of various generals may be in response to real plots.

Most Tutsi generals belong to the Nyiginya clan, which traditionally provided the country’s king. Kagame is from the Umwega clan, and some of the Nyiginya think that power has remained in the wrong hands for too long.

It is an awful situation, and Kagame has only one strategy for avoiding a return to genocide: hang on to power, and hope that rapid economic growth and the passage of time will eventually blur the identities and blunt the reflexes that have made this generation of Rwandans so dangerous to one another.

His model is Singapore, an ethnically complex state that avoided too much democracy during the early decades of its dash for growth.

If Rwanda could become the Singapore of central Africa, then maybe its citizens would eventually come to believe that their stake in the country’s new stability and prosperity was more important than the history.

But Singapore did not have so far to travel, and its history was not drowned in blood.

The logic of Kagame’s strategy obliges him to stay in power: his first duty is to Rwanda’s Tutsis, at least half of whom have already been murdered.

But he must provide prosperity to the Hutu majority too, in order to reconcile them to Tutsi survival, and his relatively corruption-free government has made impressive progress towards that goal.

Nevertheless, in a free election, most Rwandans would vote along ethnic lines.

His Rwandan Patriotic Front would instantly be replaced by a Hutu-led regime of unknowable character and purpose. He dares not risk it, so real democracy is not an option.

If Kagame is now killing opposition journalists and dissident generals, then he is making a dreadful and probably fatal mistake, but it may not be him.

In the ruthlessly Machiavellian world of Rwandan politics, other possibilities also exist. Either way, he has the loneliest, scariest job in the world, and he must know that the odds are long against him.

The new edition of Gwynne Dyer's latest book, Climate Wars, has just been published in Canada by Random House.

Inama nkuru y'itangazamakuru yahaye igihe ntarengwa ibinyamakuru bitujuje ibyangombwa

Kuva taliki ya 16 z’uku kwezi kwa 7 ibigo by’ibitangazamakuru bizaba bitarageza ku nama nkuru y’itangazamakuru ibisabwa n’itegeko rishya ry’itangazamakuru , ngo ntibizemererwa gukorera mu Rwanda.

Ibi byatangajwe n’umuyobozi mukuru w’inama y’ubutegetsi y’itangazamakuru Arthur Asimwe, mu kiganiro abagize inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru bari kumwe n’umuyobozi mukuru muri minisiteri y’itangazamakuru Ignatius Kabagambe bagiranye n’abanyamakuru mu rwego rwo kubagezaho icyegeranyo cy’ibitekerezo ku buryo bwo guteza imbere itangazamakuru mu Rwanda.

Ibitekerezo bikubiye muri icyo cyegeranyo byatanzwe n’abakora umwuga w’itangazamakuru mu Rwanda aba Leta n’abikorera bigaragaza muri rusange inzitizi itangazamakuru ryo mu Rwanda rihura nazo n’icyakorwa kugira ngo zikemuke. Amikoro n’ubushobozi buke ni bimwe mu bibazo ngo bituma bimwe mu bitangazamakuru byandika bitagira aho bikorera, ndetse na bike bihafite bikaba bidasohokera igihe. Umuti kuri icyo kibazo ngo n’ uko abanyamakuru bahugurwa ku bijyanye no gutegura imishinga ibafasha kwibeshaho no kubona inkunga ziva mu zindi nzego.

Muri iyo nama, banatinze kandi ku kibazo kijyanye n’ibisabwa ibigo by’itangazamakuru kugira ngo byemererwe gukorera mu Rwanda. Mu bisabwa harimo umwirondoro w’umuyobozi w’ikigo cy’igitangazamakuru n’uwumwanditsi mukuru, icyemezo kigaragaza ko umuntu atafunzwe, aho igitangazamakuru gikorera n’ icyemezo cy’ubucuruzi {registre de commerce}. Kugeza ubu, nk’uko inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru yabisobanuye abamaze kuyigezaho ibisabwa ni amaradiyo 6 n’ibinyamakuru 6 .Umuyobozi w’inama y’ubutegetsi y’inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru Arthur Asimwe, akaba yavuze ko nyuma y’italiki 16 z’uku kwezi ibigo by’itangazamakuru bizaba bitaruzuza ibiteganijwe n’itegeko bitazemererwa gukorera mu Rwanda.

Muri icyo kiganiro, abanyamakuru bifuje ko inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru yarushaho kwita ku banyamakuru bahohoterwa ariko ikanafatira ibyemezo ibinyamakuru bitandukira amahame n’amategeko agenga umwuga nk’ikinyamakuru Umurabyo. Umunyamabanga nshingwabikorwa w’inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru, Patrice Mulama yasobanuye ko n’ubwo umuyobozi w’ikinyamakuru Umurabyo yatawe muri yombi na police y’igihugu bitazabuza ko afatirwa ibyemezo n’urwo rwego mu cyumweru gitaha.

Umuyobozi mukuru muri ministere y’itangazamakuru, Ignatius Kabagambe yashimangiye ko batazarebera igitangazamakuru kitubahiriza amategeko.

Muri icyo kiganiro kandi habaye umuhango wo gushyikiriza ibigo by’ibitangazamakuru byujuje ibisabwa bibahesha ububasha bwo gukorera mu Rwanda certificat, ndetse hanatangwa ku mugaragaro amakarita mashya y’abanyamakuru.

IMF approves Kigali state-of-art Complex

The IMFhas hailed the govt of Rwanda’s decision to inject into the Kigali international convention complex and its support to the national carrier Rwandair to purchase its own ircrafts. Government injected over 240million US dollars in this magnificent complex.

This is was revealed in the Fund’s recently released policy statement.

In last year’s budget, government gave loans to Rwandair to purchase planes. The 2 Boeing aircrafts – which are the first to be owned by the national carrier, will be operational by the end of next year.

Despite the construction halting for several months till mid last year, the $240million Kigali International Convention Complex is headed for completion on time in two years - with just government and the Rwanda Investment Group (RIG), as joint owners.

The IMF says the government made the best investment in venturing the two strategic investment projects.
According to The Fund in a policy statement released on Thursday, The authorities conducted feasibility studies, with assistance from international consultants, which showed that these projects are expected to have rates of return above financing costs.

The Rwanda Investment Group (RIG) and National Social Security Fund (NSSF) will have 51 percent stake of the Kigali International Convention Complex – with the remaining 49 percent being for government.

Billed as the biggest in the region, the Complex will have a capacity of some 2600 delegates. It will also have dozens of businesses complexes and shopping malls.

Ends

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