Ms Kabuye has heroic status in Rwanda as an MP and former guerrilla
German police have arrested a senior Rwandan official in connection with the killing of a previous president whose death triggered the 1994 genocide.
Rose Kabuye - the chief of protocol for current Rwandan President Paul Kagame - was detained on arrival at Frankfurt on a warrant issued by a French judge.
She is one of nine senior Rwandan officials wanted over the shooting down of Juvenal Habyarimana's plane.
All are members of the party which ousted the genocidal regime.
Correspondents say Ms Kabuye, a former guerrilla fighter with the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), now Rwanda's ruling party, has heroic status in Rwanda.
She has served as an MP and mayor of the capital Kigali, and is one of President Kagame's closest aides.
Wreckage of Juvenal Habyarimana's plane
Mystery of Habyarimana death
How the genocide happened
Rwanda-France decades of tension
The plane carrying Habyarimana, a Hutu, was shot down on 6 April 1994, as Mr Kagame's Tutsi rebels were advancing on Kigali.
The Hutu extremist government accused the RPF of the assassination. Shortly afterwards, militias set up roadblocks and started to systematically murder any Tutsis or moderate Hutus they could find.
The RPF has always accused the Hutu extremists of shooting down the plane, to provide a pretext for carrying out their genocidal plans.
Some 800,000 people were slaughtered in just 100 days before Mr Kagame's forces ousted the Hutu government.
A German diplomat told AFP news agency that Ms Kabuye had been in Germany on private business and that Germany was "bound to arrest her" by a French-issued European arrest warrant.
Ms Kabuye has visited the country before but under German law could not be arrested as she was part of an official delegation.
"Rwanda has been made aware on several recent occasions that if Ms Kabuye returned to Germany she would be arrested," said the diplomat.
Diplomatic row
Ms Kabuye's lawyer said she would be transferred to France "as quickly as possible".
"She is ready to speak to the judges, especially since, to our knowledge, there isn't much in the dossier," said Leon-Lef Forster, referring to the evidence against his client.
AFP quoted Rwandan Information Minister Louise Mushikiwabo as saying that Ms Kabuye's arrest was a "misuse of international jurisdiction".
Ms Kabuye and the eight other senior RPF officials were indicted in France in 2006 following an investigation.
The BBC's Alasdair Sandford in Paris says the charge led to an immediate break in diplomatic relations between Paris and Kigali which has continued ever since.
Mr Kagame has long accused France of complicity in the genocide.
Earlier this year, Ms Kabuye's lawyers complained that they were being denied access to the indictment dossier, and criticised what they described as France's "silence" over the case, says our correspondent.
The African Union (AU) has said arrest warrants would not be recognised in AU countries and has also accused France of violating international law by failing to bring the case to trial.
Monday, November 10, 2008
Obama 'to reverse Bush decisions'
Barack Obama - 7/11/2008
Mr Obama's team is scrutinising Mr Bush's executive orders
US President-elect Barack Obama will seek to reverse Bush administration policies when he enters office on 20 January, his transition chief has said.
John Podesta said executive orders by President George W Bush on issues such as stem cell research and oil drilling were at odds with Mr Obama's views.
Plans to pass a raft of last-minute regulations are also being watched.
On Monday Mr Obama and Mr Bush will hold their first meeting since the Democrat's election victory.
Mr Obama, his wife, Michelle, and their two daughters - Malia, 10, and Sasha, seven - will be given a tour of their new home at the White House.
Afterwards the president-elect and Mr Bush are expected to hold what Mr Obama has described as "substantive talks".
'Deliberate haste'
The meeting has been arranged with unusual haste - analysts say this is in part because the US is at war, and also the transition is taking place in the midst of an economic crisis.
Mr Obama has said that dealing with the economy is his top priority, and that he will move with "deliberate haste" to choose his cabinet.
John Podesta
You see the Bush administration even today moving aggressively to do things I think are not in the interest of the country
John Podesta
Speaking on Fox News, Mr Podesta said Mr Obama's team was working hard to "build up that core economic team".
Speaking on Friday in his first news conference as president-elect, Mr Obama said he would seek a constructive approach to the meeting with Mr Bush.
"I'm not going to anticipate problems. I'm going to go in there with a spirit of bipartisanship," he said.
However, reports from Washington suggest Mr Obama's transition team has been working hard to identify issues where executive decisions made by Mr Bush could be quickly repealed by Mr Obama.
The Washington Post reported that transition officials had compiled a list of some 200 executive orders to be considered for repeal.
Mr Podesta said executive orders on stem cell research or drilling in Utah could be easily repealed as no congressional action was needed.
In 2001, Mr Bush issued an executive order limiting federal funding for medical research using human embryo stem cells. The move was popular with moral conservatives but critics say it has hampered US medical research efforts.
BUSH DECISIONS UNDER FIRE
Limited federal funding for medical research using human embryo stem cells
Aid groups receiving US aid barred from counselling women about abortion availability
California barred from imposing minimum standards of vehicle fuel efficiency
Utah land being opened up for oil and gas drilling
Mr Podesta highlighted the Bush administration's attempts to authorise oil and gas drilling in Utah as one order which could be easily repealed.
The Washington Post said other orders affecting environmental legislation and abortion issues were also under consideration.
"[Obama is] a transformational figure, and I think he's going to transform the way government acts as we move forward," Mr Podesta said.
Last-minute concerns
Potential plans for a last-minute rush of executive decisions by the White House were also being watched carefully, Mr Podesta said.
"You see the Bush administration even today moving aggressively to do things I think are not in the interest of the country," he added.
The current administration has proposed a number of regulation changes they hope can be approved before Mr Obama's team moves into the White House.
Critics say many of the proposals would weaken environmental and consumer protection as well as reduce controls on drilling and mining companies.
Bush White House officials deny the plans are being rushed through, while critics suggest the proposals could be difficult for Mr Obama's administration to undo, calling them an "assault on the public".
The co-chair of Mr Obama's transition team, Valerie Jarrett, said the new president was aiming ot assemble a diverse, bipartisan cabinet.
"I'm confident his administration will include people from all perspectives," she said.
Mr Bush's chief of staff, Josh Bolten, has pledged a smooth transition.
"If a crisis hits on January 21, they're the ones who are going to have to deal with it. We need to make sure that they're as well prepared as possible," Mr Bolten said.
Mr Obama's team is scrutinising Mr Bush's executive orders
US President-elect Barack Obama will seek to reverse Bush administration policies when he enters office on 20 January, his transition chief has said.
John Podesta said executive orders by President George W Bush on issues such as stem cell research and oil drilling were at odds with Mr Obama's views.
Plans to pass a raft of last-minute regulations are also being watched.
On Monday Mr Obama and Mr Bush will hold their first meeting since the Democrat's election victory.
Mr Obama, his wife, Michelle, and their two daughters - Malia, 10, and Sasha, seven - will be given a tour of their new home at the White House.
Afterwards the president-elect and Mr Bush are expected to hold what Mr Obama has described as "substantive talks".
'Deliberate haste'
The meeting has been arranged with unusual haste - analysts say this is in part because the US is at war, and also the transition is taking place in the midst of an economic crisis.
Mr Obama has said that dealing with the economy is his top priority, and that he will move with "deliberate haste" to choose his cabinet.
John Podesta
You see the Bush administration even today moving aggressively to do things I think are not in the interest of the country
John Podesta
Speaking on Fox News, Mr Podesta said Mr Obama's team was working hard to "build up that core economic team".
Speaking on Friday in his first news conference as president-elect, Mr Obama said he would seek a constructive approach to the meeting with Mr Bush.
"I'm not going to anticipate problems. I'm going to go in there with a spirit of bipartisanship," he said.
However, reports from Washington suggest Mr Obama's transition team has been working hard to identify issues where executive decisions made by Mr Bush could be quickly repealed by Mr Obama.
The Washington Post reported that transition officials had compiled a list of some 200 executive orders to be considered for repeal.
Mr Podesta said executive orders on stem cell research or drilling in Utah could be easily repealed as no congressional action was needed.
In 2001, Mr Bush issued an executive order limiting federal funding for medical research using human embryo stem cells. The move was popular with moral conservatives but critics say it has hampered US medical research efforts.
BUSH DECISIONS UNDER FIRE
Limited federal funding for medical research using human embryo stem cells
Aid groups receiving US aid barred from counselling women about abortion availability
California barred from imposing minimum standards of vehicle fuel efficiency
Utah land being opened up for oil and gas drilling
Mr Podesta highlighted the Bush administration's attempts to authorise oil and gas drilling in Utah as one order which could be easily repealed.
The Washington Post said other orders affecting environmental legislation and abortion issues were also under consideration.
"[Obama is] a transformational figure, and I think he's going to transform the way government acts as we move forward," Mr Podesta said.
Last-minute concerns
Potential plans for a last-minute rush of executive decisions by the White House were also being watched carefully, Mr Podesta said.
"You see the Bush administration even today moving aggressively to do things I think are not in the interest of the country," he added.
The current administration has proposed a number of regulation changes they hope can be approved before Mr Obama's team moves into the White House.
Critics say many of the proposals would weaken environmental and consumer protection as well as reduce controls on drilling and mining companies.
Bush White House officials deny the plans are being rushed through, while critics suggest the proposals could be difficult for Mr Obama's administration to undo, calling them an "assault on the public".
The co-chair of Mr Obama's transition team, Valerie Jarrett, said the new president was aiming ot assemble a diverse, bipartisan cabinet.
"I'm confident his administration will include people from all perspectives," she said.
Mr Bush's chief of staff, Josh Bolten, has pledged a smooth transition.
"If a crisis hits on January 21, they're the ones who are going to have to deal with it. We need to make sure that they're as well prepared as possible," Mr Bolten said.
Interpellation de Rose Kabuye
Article publié le 09/11/2008 Dernière mise à jour le 10/11/2008 à 00:01 TU
Arrêtée à l’aéroport de Francfort, la Rwandaise, chef du protocole rwandais, a indiqué qu’elle souhaite «être transférée en France le plus rapidement possible et est prête à parler aux juges». Ils enquêtent sur l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana en 1994. Kigali parle d'arrestation «abusive».
Le président rwandais Paul Kagame (g) accompagné de la chef du protocole Rose Kabuye (d), pendant le sommet international de Nairobi, le 7 novembre 2008.(Photo : AFP)
Le président rwandais Paul Kagame (g) accompagné de la chef du protocole Rose Kabuye (d), pendant le sommet international de Nairobi, le 7 novembre 2008.
(Photo : AFP)
Avec notre correspondant à Berlin, Pascal Thibault
Rose Kabuye a été interpellée dimanche matin à l’aéroport de Francfort. L’information nous a été confirmée par les ministères des Affaires étrangères et de la Justice à Berlin, ainsi que par le porte-parole de la l’ambassade rwandaise en Allemagne.
Les autorités allemandes ont agi sur la base du mandat d’arrêt international émis il y a deux ans par le juge français Bruguière. Le chef du protocole du président Kagame se voit reprocher, ainsi que d’autres personnes, d’avoir une part de responsabilité dans l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana en 1994, un attentat qui avait déclenché le génocide au Rwanda.
Rose Kabuye est donc susceptible d’être remise aux autorités françaises quelques mois après un autre déplacement en Allemagne lors duquel elle n’avait pas été inquiétée. Elle accompagnait au printemps le président Kagame en visite officielle. Berlin était, avant ce déplacement, au courant de l’existence du mandat d’arrêt, mais la législation allemande empêche les autorités d’interpeller une personne membre d’une délégation officielle. Ce n’était pas le cas lors du passage de Rose Kabuye à l’aéroport de Francfort ce dimanche qui a conduit à son interpellation.
Rosemarie Museminali
Ministre rwandaise des Affaires étrangères
« Notre chef du protocole voyageait avec un passeport diplomatique, elle était en mission diplomatique, elle aurait donc dû bénéficier d'une immunité ».
Arrêtée à l’aéroport de Francfort, la Rwandaise, chef du protocole rwandais, a indiqué qu’elle souhaite «être transférée en France le plus rapidement possible et est prête à parler aux juges». Ils enquêtent sur l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana en 1994. Kigali parle d'arrestation «abusive».
Le président rwandais Paul Kagame (g) accompagné de la chef du protocole Rose Kabuye (d), pendant le sommet international de Nairobi, le 7 novembre 2008.(Photo : AFP)
Le président rwandais Paul Kagame (g) accompagné de la chef du protocole Rose Kabuye (d), pendant le sommet international de Nairobi, le 7 novembre 2008.
(Photo : AFP)
Avec notre correspondant à Berlin, Pascal Thibault
Rose Kabuye a été interpellée dimanche matin à l’aéroport de Francfort. L’information nous a été confirmée par les ministères des Affaires étrangères et de la Justice à Berlin, ainsi que par le porte-parole de la l’ambassade rwandaise en Allemagne.
Les autorités allemandes ont agi sur la base du mandat d’arrêt international émis il y a deux ans par le juge français Bruguière. Le chef du protocole du président Kagame se voit reprocher, ainsi que d’autres personnes, d’avoir une part de responsabilité dans l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana en 1994, un attentat qui avait déclenché le génocide au Rwanda.
Rose Kabuye est donc susceptible d’être remise aux autorités françaises quelques mois après un autre déplacement en Allemagne lors duquel elle n’avait pas été inquiétée. Elle accompagnait au printemps le président Kagame en visite officielle. Berlin était, avant ce déplacement, au courant de l’existence du mandat d’arrêt, mais la législation allemande empêche les autorités d’interpeller une personne membre d’une délégation officielle. Ce n’était pas le cas lors du passage de Rose Kabuye à l’aéroport de Francfort ce dimanche qui a conduit à son interpellation.
Rosemarie Museminali
Ministre rwandaise des Affaires étrangères
« Notre chef du protocole voyageait avec un passeport diplomatique, elle était en mission diplomatique, elle aurait donc dû bénéficier d'une immunité ».
Le Rwanda et l'avenir de la francophonie
Luc-Normand Tellier, Professeur à l'École des sciences de la gestion de l'UQAM et vice-président de l'APERAU internationale
Édition du samedi 18 et du dimanche 19 octobre 2008
Mots clés : rupture des relations diplomatiques, Éducation, Français (langue), France (pays), Rwanda (pays)
Je reviens du Rwanda. J'y ai enseigné de 1964 à 1966, aussi en 1977 et en 1978, j'y suis retourné en 1996, puis maintenant en 2007. J'ai été le tout premier citoyen canadien dans l'histoire à travailler à Kigali. Je me targue de faire partie du peu de Canadiens laïques qui connaissent bien ce pays. À titre de vice-président d'un organisme officiel de la francophonie (l'APERAU, Association pour la promotion de l'enseignement et de la recherche en aménagement et urbanisme), je m'inquiète grandement des conséquences de ce qui se passe là-bas pour la francophonie.
Le 24 novembre 2006, le Rwanda a annoncé la rupture de ses relations diplomatiques avec la France. Cette mesure a pris effet le 27 novembre. Entre ces deux dates, tous les coopérants et tous les diplomates français ont dû quitter le territoire rwandais. L'École internationale française a été fermée de même que le centre culturel français. [...]
Ce qui se passe au Rwanda est lourd de conséquences pour la francophonie mondiale. Actuellement, le français recule partout au Rwanda, surtout au niveau de l'éducation supérieure. Les recteurs et vice-recteurs sont presque tous anglophones (j'en ai rencontré plusieurs). À l'Université nationale du Rwanda, les réunions se font maintenant le plus souvent en anglais.
Au suivant!
Après le Rwanda, ce sera sans doute le Burundi qui passera à l'anglais, puis rien de moins que la République démocratique du Congo, le plus grand pays francophone d'Afrique sub-saharienne. Le président Kabila actuel est d'ailleurs plus à l'aise en anglais qu'en français.
Le Rwanda est un pays qui exerce une grande influence en Afrique noire aujourd'hui. Disons seulement que Kigali, qui ne comptait qu'environ 7000 habitants en 1964, quand j'y suis arrivé, en compte maintenant 800 000 et plus. C'est l'une des villes les plus belles, les plus propres et les plus sûres de l'Afrique noire. C'est aussi une ville riche où la richesse est détenue par des Africains et non par des Blancs (c'est la principale différence avec le Rwanda de ma jeunesse).
En outre, les nombreux coopérants étrangers qui jouaient un si grand rôle sous Habyarimana sont presque tous disparus. Ils ont très souvent été remplacés par des Rwandais rentrés d'exil.
Enfin, les universités sont en pleine croissance au Rwanda. Leurs professeurs sont le plus souvent des Rwandais, souvent revenus d'exil, et rarement des Blancs. Les collèges aussi se multiplient. Tout le domaine de l'éducation est en grande effervescence.
Sauver la francophonie
Cela dit, dans plusieurs régions rurales, la pauvreté que j'ai pu observer rappelle celle de 1964. Le Rwanda est un pays de plus en plus surpeuplé. Sa population était de 2,5 millions en 1964; elle est de huit millions aujourd'hui, et cela, ce n'est pas la faute de Kagame. Au contraire, la limitation des naissances, autrefois taboue, est enfin à l'ordre du jour. En dehors des parcs nationaux, toutes les collines sont occupées jusqu'à leur sommet.
Ne viennent au secours du français au Rwanda ni la Belgique dominée par les Flamands, le plus souvent francophobes, ni le Canada à très forte majorité anglophone.
La seule politique intelligente des pays francophones au Rwanda consiste à reconnaître les torts de l'État français dans le génocide rwandais, à convaincre la France de présenter des excuses (infiniment moins coupables, la Belgique et les États-Unis l'ont fait), à cesser de pointer comme coupable du génocide le seul et unique pouvoir qui s'y soit opposé (soit le Front patriotique) et à tenter de sauver ce qui reste de la francophonie au Rwanda.
Édition du samedi 18 et du dimanche 19 octobre 2008
Mots clés : rupture des relations diplomatiques, Éducation, Français (langue), France (pays), Rwanda (pays)
Je reviens du Rwanda. J'y ai enseigné de 1964 à 1966, aussi en 1977 et en 1978, j'y suis retourné en 1996, puis maintenant en 2007. J'ai été le tout premier citoyen canadien dans l'histoire à travailler à Kigali. Je me targue de faire partie du peu de Canadiens laïques qui connaissent bien ce pays. À titre de vice-président d'un organisme officiel de la francophonie (l'APERAU, Association pour la promotion de l'enseignement et de la recherche en aménagement et urbanisme), je m'inquiète grandement des conséquences de ce qui se passe là-bas pour la francophonie.
Le 24 novembre 2006, le Rwanda a annoncé la rupture de ses relations diplomatiques avec la France. Cette mesure a pris effet le 27 novembre. Entre ces deux dates, tous les coopérants et tous les diplomates français ont dû quitter le territoire rwandais. L'École internationale française a été fermée de même que le centre culturel français. [...]
Ce qui se passe au Rwanda est lourd de conséquences pour la francophonie mondiale. Actuellement, le français recule partout au Rwanda, surtout au niveau de l'éducation supérieure. Les recteurs et vice-recteurs sont presque tous anglophones (j'en ai rencontré plusieurs). À l'Université nationale du Rwanda, les réunions se font maintenant le plus souvent en anglais.
Au suivant!
Après le Rwanda, ce sera sans doute le Burundi qui passera à l'anglais, puis rien de moins que la République démocratique du Congo, le plus grand pays francophone d'Afrique sub-saharienne. Le président Kabila actuel est d'ailleurs plus à l'aise en anglais qu'en français.
Le Rwanda est un pays qui exerce une grande influence en Afrique noire aujourd'hui. Disons seulement que Kigali, qui ne comptait qu'environ 7000 habitants en 1964, quand j'y suis arrivé, en compte maintenant 800 000 et plus. C'est l'une des villes les plus belles, les plus propres et les plus sûres de l'Afrique noire. C'est aussi une ville riche où la richesse est détenue par des Africains et non par des Blancs (c'est la principale différence avec le Rwanda de ma jeunesse).
En outre, les nombreux coopérants étrangers qui jouaient un si grand rôle sous Habyarimana sont presque tous disparus. Ils ont très souvent été remplacés par des Rwandais rentrés d'exil.
Enfin, les universités sont en pleine croissance au Rwanda. Leurs professeurs sont le plus souvent des Rwandais, souvent revenus d'exil, et rarement des Blancs. Les collèges aussi se multiplient. Tout le domaine de l'éducation est en grande effervescence.
Sauver la francophonie
Cela dit, dans plusieurs régions rurales, la pauvreté que j'ai pu observer rappelle celle de 1964. Le Rwanda est un pays de plus en plus surpeuplé. Sa population était de 2,5 millions en 1964; elle est de huit millions aujourd'hui, et cela, ce n'est pas la faute de Kagame. Au contraire, la limitation des naissances, autrefois taboue, est enfin à l'ordre du jour. En dehors des parcs nationaux, toutes les collines sont occupées jusqu'à leur sommet.
Ne viennent au secours du français au Rwanda ni la Belgique dominée par les Flamands, le plus souvent francophobes, ni le Canada à très forte majorité anglophone.
La seule politique intelligente des pays francophones au Rwanda consiste à reconnaître les torts de l'État français dans le génocide rwandais, à convaincre la France de présenter des excuses (infiniment moins coupables, la Belgique et les États-Unis l'ont fait), à cesser de pointer comme coupable du génocide le seul et unique pouvoir qui s'y soit opposé (soit le Front patriotique) et à tenter de sauver ce qui reste de la francophonie au Rwanda.
Wednesday, July 16, 2008
What determines media freedom?
BY Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
From Monday to Friday, I participated in a media workshop held by the Rwanda Initiative in the southern town of Butare.
Talking to different people who participated as facilitators or otherwise, I got the impression that there is definitely a disconnection between different peoples understanding of what media freedom is or ought to be.
Many from the West who spoke like the former publisher and owner of the Toronto Star, Canada’s largest newspaper, John Honderich, argue that there should be unlimited media freedom.
However, Journalist Andrew Mwenda, the publisher of The Independent, a Ugandan magazine, though believing in the importance of media freedom, said that if one called for Jihad in Palestine, he/ she would be considered a hero.
Whereas, if one called for the same in New York, that would be reminding New Yorkers of the horrors of September 11.
Thus given Mwendas argument, different communities have different values and norms that are shaped by their own unique historical circumstances.
The media in Rwanda has in the recent past been shaped by its role in the run-up to and during the Genocide. Thus when one talks of absolute freedoms for media practitioners’, many will definitely get jittery as they will be reminded of the catastrophic that befell Rwanda in 1994.
Some have argued that hate media is a direct result of hate power. So they postulate that there can never be a hate media in a country that is not under hate power.
This would have been the case if the media had remained in its traditional form of print, TV and Radio. But with the advent of the internet with everyone able to blog as they wish, hate media can be alive and well in a country that is not under hate power.
Whereas absolute media freedom is great and something deserved by all people, it is important to protect people from undesirable misrepresentations and misinformation.
Given our historical circumstances, especially with the knowledge that at one time Rwanda was under hate power, it is important to tread a careful path when putting across information, views and opinions through different mediums.
One of the tools of hate power was the use of the military to hang on to power and kill. Another tool was hate media.
At the moment it is common knowledge that those who carried out the Genocide are still out there in different countries. The existence of the rag tag FDLR in the jungles of Eastern Congo is common knowledge.
The fact that the remnants of hate power are still mobilising militarily and politically should inform everyone that they have not abandoned some of their tactics of using hate media.
Thus it is logical that such characters will seek to use the media to advance their sectarian and genocidal agenda. That calls for regulating and monitoring media practitioners, so that they do not become tools of hate.
The media in most developing countries is still developing just like the countries. Even democratic values are still evolving.
If Western liberal democracy takes root in developing countries, then the principles and norms on which the liberal media in the west hinge on will also develop in the developing countries.
But the issue that remains debatable is; don’t people in the developing world or Africa specifically have their own unique social and political, ways of life that are unique to their own background. Does every country need Western norms?
What is obvious is that what works in the West does not necessarily replicate in other areas of the world. Even in the West, it took many centuries for people to realise the different kind of freedom that they are said to enjoy now.
Moreover we have been able in the last century to witness countries realising high levels of development without having taken the Western model of democracy. Most of the Asian Tigers have a social, economic and political way of life that is highly based on patriarchy something that negates Western values.
What is obvious is that institutions in developing countries like Rwanda will develop in a manner that is informed by our unique social, economic and political background.
frank2kagabo@yahoo.com
From Monday to Friday, I participated in a media workshop held by the Rwanda Initiative in the southern town of Butare.
Talking to different people who participated as facilitators or otherwise, I got the impression that there is definitely a disconnection between different peoples understanding of what media freedom is or ought to be.
Many from the West who spoke like the former publisher and owner of the Toronto Star, Canada’s largest newspaper, John Honderich, argue that there should be unlimited media freedom.
However, Journalist Andrew Mwenda, the publisher of The Independent, a Ugandan magazine, though believing in the importance of media freedom, said that if one called for Jihad in Palestine, he/ she would be considered a hero.
Whereas, if one called for the same in New York, that would be reminding New Yorkers of the horrors of September 11.
Thus given Mwendas argument, different communities have different values and norms that are shaped by their own unique historical circumstances.
The media in Rwanda has in the recent past been shaped by its role in the run-up to and during the Genocide. Thus when one talks of absolute freedoms for media practitioners’, many will definitely get jittery as they will be reminded of the catastrophic that befell Rwanda in 1994.
Some have argued that hate media is a direct result of hate power. So they postulate that there can never be a hate media in a country that is not under hate power.
This would have been the case if the media had remained in its traditional form of print, TV and Radio. But with the advent of the internet with everyone able to blog as they wish, hate media can be alive and well in a country that is not under hate power.
Whereas absolute media freedom is great and something deserved by all people, it is important to protect people from undesirable misrepresentations and misinformation.
Given our historical circumstances, especially with the knowledge that at one time Rwanda was under hate power, it is important to tread a careful path when putting across information, views and opinions through different mediums.
One of the tools of hate power was the use of the military to hang on to power and kill. Another tool was hate media.
At the moment it is common knowledge that those who carried out the Genocide are still out there in different countries. The existence of the rag tag FDLR in the jungles of Eastern Congo is common knowledge.
The fact that the remnants of hate power are still mobilising militarily and politically should inform everyone that they have not abandoned some of their tactics of using hate media.
Thus it is logical that such characters will seek to use the media to advance their sectarian and genocidal agenda. That calls for regulating and monitoring media practitioners, so that they do not become tools of hate.
The media in most developing countries is still developing just like the countries. Even democratic values are still evolving.
If Western liberal democracy takes root in developing countries, then the principles and norms on which the liberal media in the west hinge on will also develop in the developing countries.
But the issue that remains debatable is; don’t people in the developing world or Africa specifically have their own unique social and political, ways of life that are unique to their own background. Does every country need Western norms?
What is obvious is that what works in the West does not necessarily replicate in other areas of the world. Even in the West, it took many centuries for people to realise the different kind of freedom that they are said to enjoy now.
Moreover we have been able in the last century to witness countries realising high levels of development without having taken the Western model of democracy. Most of the Asian Tigers have a social, economic and political way of life that is highly based on patriarchy something that negates Western values.
What is obvious is that institutions in developing countries like Rwanda will develop in a manner that is informed by our unique social, economic and political background.
frank2kagabo@yahoo.com
Thursday, June 5, 2008
Rwanda: Belgium Investigates Acquitted Ex-Rwandan Governor Bagambiki
Hirondelle News Agency (Lausanne)
3 June 2008
Posted to the web 5 June 2008
Brussels
Belgium has confirmed that it was investigating Emmanuel Bagambiki, former Governor of Cyangugu during the 1994 genocide, who was acquitted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and who is sought t by Rwanda, reports Hirondelle Agency .
"The federal prosecutor is looking at the [Bagambiki's] extradition request and that there is an arrest warrant issued against him [by Rwanda]','said Lieve Pellens spokesperson of the prosecutor.
However, he hinted that Belgium and Rwanda, for the time being, do not have an extradition agreement, but affirmed that Investigations were underway against the former Rwandan official, who is living in Belgium with his family.
Following his final acquittal by the ICTR appeals court, on 8 February 2006, for crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity, Rwanda decided to prosecute the former Governor for rape, for which he was not tried by the UN tribunal.
On 10 October 2007, the Court of First Instance of Rusizi, his native region, sentenced Bagambiki in absentia to life in prison for rape and incitement to commit rape.
A source told Hirondelle that the federal prosecutor, Phillippe Meire, had recently travelled to Rwanda to follow up on the judgement.
If extradition was rejected, Belgium could decide to prosecute Bagambiki itself if there was any convincing evidence.
The lawyer for Bagambiki, Vincent Lurquin, reached in Arusha [where he is defending another defendant before the ICTR] stated Tuesday that his client had never been informed of the rape charges and Rwanda has never communicated the judgement issued against Bagambaki in absentia, although it has requested for it on several occasions.
He, moreover, clarified that if his client had not been tried for rape it was because he had not been charged by the office of the prosecutor of the ICTR. His acquittal is "a true acquittal", he stated, reminding that the judges unanimously recognized his client's innocence.
After lengthy procedures, notably to the Council of State, the highest jurisdiction of the country, Bagambiki obtained in July 2007, the right to join in Belgium his wife and children under the entitlement of family reunion.
3 June 2008
Posted to the web 5 June 2008
Brussels
Belgium has confirmed that it was investigating Emmanuel Bagambiki, former Governor of Cyangugu during the 1994 genocide, who was acquitted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and who is sought t by Rwanda, reports Hirondelle Agency .
"The federal prosecutor is looking at the [Bagambiki's] extradition request and that there is an arrest warrant issued against him [by Rwanda]','said Lieve Pellens spokesperson of the prosecutor.
However, he hinted that Belgium and Rwanda, for the time being, do not have an extradition agreement, but affirmed that Investigations were underway against the former Rwandan official, who is living in Belgium with his family.
Following his final acquittal by the ICTR appeals court, on 8 February 2006, for crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity, Rwanda decided to prosecute the former Governor for rape, for which he was not tried by the UN tribunal.
On 10 October 2007, the Court of First Instance of Rusizi, his native region, sentenced Bagambiki in absentia to life in prison for rape and incitement to commit rape.
A source told Hirondelle that the federal prosecutor, Phillippe Meire, had recently travelled to Rwanda to follow up on the judgement.
If extradition was rejected, Belgium could decide to prosecute Bagambiki itself if there was any convincing evidence.
The lawyer for Bagambiki, Vincent Lurquin, reached in Arusha [where he is defending another defendant before the ICTR] stated Tuesday that his client had never been informed of the rape charges and Rwanda has never communicated the judgement issued against Bagambaki in absentia, although it has requested for it on several occasions.
He, moreover, clarified that if his client had not been tried for rape it was because he had not been charged by the office of the prosecutor of the ICTR. His acquittal is "a true acquittal", he stated, reminding that the judges unanimously recognized his client's innocence.
After lengthy procedures, notably to the Council of State, the highest jurisdiction of the country, Bagambiki obtained in July 2007, the right to join in Belgium his wife and children under the entitlement of family reunion.
Munyakazi odds for a home trial ebb
Chances of genocide suspect and former Rwandan Interhamwe militia leader Yussuf Munyakazi of being tried on home ground were diminished on Wednesday when the United Nations war crimes tribunal rebuffed opposition application to hold the trial in the small east African state.
Mr Munyakazi is facing charges of the 1994 Rwanda genocide in which UN estimates show that over 800,000 people, mostly ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus were allegedly murdered by his armed forces between April and July.
The 73 year-old former farmer and businessman was arrested in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 2004, prior to being brought before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
He allegedly masterminded and in some instances, actually participated in the killing of the Tutsis who had sought sanctuary in numerous churches in Rwanda’s Bugarame commune.
The prosecution’s application was denied on the basis that Rwanda’s abolishment of the death penalty last year for life imprisonment in isolation, completely flouts the international human rights standards.
The court was also wary of the autonomy of the judiciary in the capital Kigali, hence was skeptical that the accused would get a fair trial there.
It is however reported that the tribunal has taken into account positive measures taken by Rwanda to facilitate referral, read the decision, which added that if the country proceeded to maintain the same standard, it would refer future cases to the country’s judiciary.
Reports by Hirondelle Agency indicated that the Rwandan Prosecutor General, Martin Ngoga said, "…we are deeply disappointed by that decision and we are consulting with the Prosecutor what next steps to be taken".
The defence counsel spearheaded by Professor Jwani Mwaikusa was reportedly against the prosecutor’s motion from the very start, citing among others, incompetence of the Rwandan judiciary as the basis of its contention.
Prof Mwaikusa was quoted saying, "I was opposed outrightly to the application, and my concern has always been that it is delaying the start of my client's trial."
According to observers the landmark decision will impact on other four similar applications of transfer of cases to Rwanda, which are yet to be heard.
The other four targeted suspects are: former Commander of Ngoma Camp, Lieutenant Ildephonse Hategekimana, businessman Gaspard Kanyarukiga, former Mayor Jean Baptist Gatete and former Inspector of Judicial Police, Fulgence Kaysihema who has since vanished.
The ICTR Prosecutor stressed that Rwanda legal framework grants fair trial, adding that this was demonstrated by the latest decision of the French Chamberry Court of Appeal on 2 April, which approved extradition of former Rwandan businessman Claver Kamanya to Kigali. The prosecution's motion requesting Munyakazi's transfer was filed on 7 September 2007.
The Human Rights Watch representative, Aisling Reidy, had told the Court that they have evidence of intimidation and harassment of legal officers and witnesses in Rwanda, adding that the defence had difficulties in securing witnesses. To date, the ICTR has delivered 30 convictions and five acquittals.
By staff writer
© afrol News
Mr Munyakazi is facing charges of the 1994 Rwanda genocide in which UN estimates show that over 800,000 people, mostly ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus were allegedly murdered by his armed forces between April and July.
The 73 year-old former farmer and businessman was arrested in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 2004, prior to being brought before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
He allegedly masterminded and in some instances, actually participated in the killing of the Tutsis who had sought sanctuary in numerous churches in Rwanda’s Bugarame commune.
The prosecution’s application was denied on the basis that Rwanda’s abolishment of the death penalty last year for life imprisonment in isolation, completely flouts the international human rights standards.
The court was also wary of the autonomy of the judiciary in the capital Kigali, hence was skeptical that the accused would get a fair trial there.
It is however reported that the tribunal has taken into account positive measures taken by Rwanda to facilitate referral, read the decision, which added that if the country proceeded to maintain the same standard, it would refer future cases to the country’s judiciary.
Reports by Hirondelle Agency indicated that the Rwandan Prosecutor General, Martin Ngoga said, "…we are deeply disappointed by that decision and we are consulting with the Prosecutor what next steps to be taken".
The defence counsel spearheaded by Professor Jwani Mwaikusa was reportedly against the prosecutor’s motion from the very start, citing among others, incompetence of the Rwandan judiciary as the basis of its contention.
Prof Mwaikusa was quoted saying, "I was opposed outrightly to the application, and my concern has always been that it is delaying the start of my client's trial."
According to observers the landmark decision will impact on other four similar applications of transfer of cases to Rwanda, which are yet to be heard.
The other four targeted suspects are: former Commander of Ngoma Camp, Lieutenant Ildephonse Hategekimana, businessman Gaspard Kanyarukiga, former Mayor Jean Baptist Gatete and former Inspector of Judicial Police, Fulgence Kaysihema who has since vanished.
The ICTR Prosecutor stressed that Rwanda legal framework grants fair trial, adding that this was demonstrated by the latest decision of the French Chamberry Court of Appeal on 2 April, which approved extradition of former Rwandan businessman Claver Kamanya to Kigali. The prosecution's motion requesting Munyakazi's transfer was filed on 7 September 2007.
The Human Rights Watch representative, Aisling Reidy, had told the Court that they have evidence of intimidation and harassment of legal officers and witnesses in Rwanda, adding that the defence had difficulties in securing witnesses. To date, the ICTR has delivered 30 convictions and five acquittals.
By staff writer
© afrol News
CALENDAR FOR LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS/LOWER CHAMBER (2008)
| | ACTIVITIES | DUE DATE | |
| 1 | Approbation of provisional calendar for elections | August 2007 | |
| 2 | Define, approve and seek the budget | March 2007- August 2008 | |
| 3 | Elaboration and approval of instructions regarding elections | March - September 2008 | |
| 4 | Preparation of voters’ list | July 2007 - August 2008 | |
| 5 | Distribution of voter cards | July - August 2008 | |
| 6 | Hiring and Training of electoral agents at Provincial, Kigali Ville and District levels | March - May 2008 | |
| 7 | Elaboration and voters’civic education training on electoral process | January - September 2008 | |
| 8 | Define and prepare sites and polling stations | August - September 2008 | |
| 9 | Looking for electoral materials | May - August 2008 | |
| 10 | Organizing consultative meetings with electoral stakeholders | January - September 2008 | |
| 11 | Accreditation of electoral observers | July - August 2008 | |
| 12 | Registration, Examination and approval of candidates list allowed to campaign | 12.1 Reception of candidacies | 12 - 21/08/2008 |
| 12.2 Examination of candidacies | 22/08/2008 | ||
| 12.3 Publication of final list of candidates | 24//08/2008 | ||
| 13 | Electoral campaigns | 25/08 - 13/09/2008 | |
| 14 | Legislative elections | 15/09/2008 | |
| 15 | Elections of women representatives in parliament at provincial and | 16/09/2008 | |
| 16 | Elections of youth representatives in parliament | 17/09/2008 | |
| 17 | Elections of a disabled representative in parliament | 18/09/2008 | |
| 18 | Publication of provisional results of elections | 22/09/2008 | |
| 19 | PUBLICATION OF FINAL RESULTS OF ELECTIONS | 25/09/2008 | |
Kagame calls for more efficiency in regional trade at Arusha summit
| hursday, 5th June 2008 |
| ||||
 President Paul Kagame and Ambassador Andrew Young, one of the organizers of the Sullivan Summit taking place in Arusha, Tanzania. (File photo). | |||||
BY GEORGE KAGAME IN ARUSHA | |||||
ARUSHA - President Paul Kagame has repeated his call for more efficient regional blocks as an effective measure for Africa to increase domestic investment and spur economic growth and development on the continent. The President first called for cross border reforms in customs operations in a speech he presented to the Commonwealth Heads of State’s meeting in Kampala in November 2007. Speaking to a packed hall Wednesday at the ongoing 8th edition of the Leon H. Sullivan summit in Arusha’s International Conference Centre (AICC), Kagame emphasized that only more investment and efficiency of regional integration will ensure Africa’s escape from poverty. He said that the absence of regional economic infrastructure is a major hindrance to Africa’s growth and social economic transformation. Kagame lamented the unnecessary administrative bureaucracy which makes doing business in Africa very difficult. He added that researchers had discovered that African investors spend a lot of time filing paper work rather than carrying out actual commercial transactions. He said the delays reduce the volume of trade on the continent and is counter-productive in the fight against poverty on the continent. “Each additional day an export transaction is held up in a country, that country distances itself from its trading partners by 1 percent,” emphasised Kagame. He also questioned the wisdom of transporting a container of goods from Mombasa to Kigali at a cost of $5600, yet the cost from Mombasa to Antwerp in Belgium costs only $1200. He added that the delay in carrying out commercial transactions was not only due to poor infrastructure in Sub Saharan Africa alone, “but also the result of regional bureaucratic obstacles such as cumbersome trans-border customs procedures, clearing, cargo inspections and corruption.” Kagame pointed out that the above challenges are even worse for landlocked countries including Rwanda, “whose products need to comply with different requirements at every border post.” He gave an example of one African country where preparations for exporting involved filing 11 documents, 17 visits to different offices, 29 signatures and 60 days to move goods from the factory to the shop. He said that such practices have made doing business in Africa very expensive, “and our competition dismal.” Rwanda and Tanzania are set to build a railway line linking Rwanda and the seaport of Dar es Salaam to ease regional infrastructure problems. Ambassador Andrew Young, a representative of the US government and one of the organisers of the summit, sang to the tune of Bob Marley’s famous song ‘One Love’ and emphasised African unity as one of the sparks to African growth investment. James Patterson, former Prime Minister of Jamaica, extensively quoted Pan-African intellectual Marcus Garvey as he appealed for Africans on the continent and in the Diaspora to unite and develop each other. He said that Africans would one day be able to defeat poverty as they had defeated colonialism. Leon H. Sullivan was an African-American cleric and international humanitarian. He preached positively, encouraging commitment of resources of the African Diaspora and friends of Africa to promote positive change in the world. He also championed self-help, social responsibility, economic empowerment, and human rights. It aims at advancing physical and economic infrastructure, especially power, transport and information technology through regional economic community discussions. T he Sullivan Summits are a bridge between America and Africa, serving as a forum for economic and cultural cooperation. They bring together the world’s political and business leaders, delegates representing international organisations and academic institutions. Kigali will host the next Leon H. Sullivan summit in 2010. | |||||
Obama and crowd rise to occasion
By Kevin Connolly
BBC News, St Paul, Minnesota
BBC News, St Paul, Minnesota
 The crowd in St Paul seemed to inspire Barack Obama |
For the Obama faithful it was never going to be just another night of celebration.
They sensed that victory was theirs more than they calculated it from the returns in Montana and South Dakota - or from the steady trickle of reports that more and more super-delegates were declaring for their candidate.
And as they began trooping into the hall five hours before he was due to speak, it was clear they felt they had a role in helping the senator from Illinois set his seal on this pivotal moment in America where one election process ends, and another begins.
The primaries were over, the general election campaign was beginning.
Victory was his to declare, but the mood of the crowd as he outlined his vision would help to define this moment in the minds of the millions of Americans watching at home on television.
They did not let him down.
Making history
Many of Mr Obama's victory rallies have had a shattering intensity about them - he stirs the crowd's energy, but he feeds on it too, and in St Paul they seemed to inspire him.
 |  Tonight we mark the end of one historic journey with the beginning of another - a journey that will bring a new and better day to America  Barack Obama  |
Not for the first time, Mr Obama's campaign managers picked an indoor sports stadium as the venue for their rally - this time an ice-hockey hall in which four tiers of seating towered far above the stage.
The next time it stages a professional hockey game, it is going to seem a little sedate.
Mr Obama performed in the middle of a force-field of noise which mingled the joy and relief and hope he has kindled in his followers.
Some of his older black supporters will tell you candidly that there is a bit of disbelief in there too - they never expected in their lifetimes to be able to support an African-American candidate with a real chance of winning the White House.
Political campaigning is about mapping strategies, booking halls, buying advertising and beating rivals.
But every so often, in private, Mr Obama and his closest advisers must surely lift their eyes to history's horizon and reflect on the powerful symbolism of his candidacy in a country which still lives with the legacy of racial division.
Within Mr Obama's lifetime, white racist groups in the Deep South tried to intimidate black voters out of registering to take part in elections.
Now he has a real chance of becoming president.
Reaching out
This was probably Mr Obama's most important speech of the year so far - the first time as candidate for the Democratic Party that he has spoken to Americans not just about why he wants to lead them, but where he wants to lead them.
Senator Obama was lavish in his praise of Hillary Clinton
From the faithful in St Paul, he was always going to get adoration at the very least.
But he has to reach out beyond them now - to people who voted for Hillary, people who might back Republican John McCain and people who might not vote at all.
His essential message of course, is of hope and change - but no candidate in history has ever campaigned for despair and the status quo.
He will need a lot more flesh on the bones when the campaign against the Senator McCain builds to a climax in the autumn.
He was lavish in his praise of Mrs Clinton, speaking of her "unyielding desire to improve the lives of ordinary Americans" and of how he expected to find her at his side in the Democratic battle for the White House.
He said he was a better candidate for having had to run against her.
At previous Obama rallies, I have heard loud booing break out when shots of President Bill Clinton appeared on the giant video screens.
Nothing like that in St Paul - there was cheering when Senator Clinton was praised just as there had been cheering a few hours earlier when Mrs Clinton took the stage in New York and spoke warmly of Mr Obama's campaign and his supporters.
Running mate?
It will take more than a couple of set-piece speeches delivered at a moment of high emotion to repair the wounds left by this most divisive of primary seasons.
But at least this all showed that the party's leaders know what has to be done.
In the end, Mr Obama did his job, reaching high-flown pinnacles of rhetoric.
But while he claimed victory in a spine-tingling moment, Mrs Clinton did not of course, quite concede defeat, leaving the impression in the air that she might be angling rather openly for the vice-presidential slot.
Many of his supporters felt they were looking over their shoulders wondering what their defeated rival might do next.
At the very least she made sure that the story of the night was about her as well as about Mr Obama, even in the moment that the hand of history descended on his shoulder.
The night belonged to him all right, just as it should have done,
But somehow in the midst of all the noise and energy in St Paul, she could not quite be forgotten.Clinton will quit and back Obama
Hillary Clinton will withdraw from the race to become the Democratic candidate for the US presidency, and back her rival Barack Obama, her campaign says. On Tuesday, Mr Obama gained enough delegates to win the nomination, after the final votes of the primary season.
Mrs Clinton has still not admitted in public that she lost the contest, but on Saturday she will do so "and express her support for Senator Obama".
Mr Obama has already announced a team to help select his running mate.
Reports that Mrs Clinton was ready to concede came after she made a conference call to senior Democrats in Congress.
At a Democratic Party event in Washington, Mrs Clinton will also "express her support... for party unity", her communications director Howard Wolfson said.
Earlier, it had been announced that the event would be held on Friday, but Mr Wolfson said it had been delayed a day "to accommodate more of Senator Clinton’s supporters who want to attend".
The BBC’s Jane O’Brien in Washington says that as Mr Obama was claiming victory, Hillary Clinton stunned even her own supporters with a speech that offered no indication that she was giving up.
There is speculation that the delay in conceding was an attempt to position herself as a possible vice-president, our correspondent adds.
Clinton ’open’
Mr Obama’s three-member panel to look for a presidential running mate comprises Caroline Kennedy, daughter of President John Kennedy, former deputy Attorney General Eric Holder and Jim Johnson.
Mr Johnson performed the same selection task for John Kerry in 2004.
"Senator Obama is pleased to have three talented and dedicated individuals managing this rigorous process," said Bill Burton, a spokesman for the Illinois senator.
"He will work closely with them in the coming weeks but ultimately this will be his decision and his alone."
Barack Obama addressing Aipac, 4 June, 2008 Mr Obama could be the first black candidate from a major political party
Earlier, Mr Obama had paid tribute to Mrs Clinton and hinted that she would play a role in any future Obama administration.
Mrs Clinton has said she would be "open" to the idea of being Mr Obama’s vice-presidential running-mate.
Referring to a brief conversation he had held with his defeated rival, the Illinois senator said: "I’m very confident of how we’re going to be able to bring the party together."
The Republican party’s candidate, John McCain has challenged Mr Obama to take part in debates in 10 town hall meetings before August’s Democratic convention, and the Obama team is said to be considering the invitation.
The final primaries of the season were held on Tuesday - with Mr Obama winning Montana and Mrs Clinton winning South Dakota.
A candidate needs 2,118 delegates to secure the nomination and Mr Obama now has the support of 2,154 delegates. Mrs Clinton has 1,919.
BBC
Tuesday, May 22, 2007
Looking Back
May 15, 2007You may leave Rwanda, but it doesn’t leave you. I’m back in Canada with Emmanuel’s genocide story in my head. And Theogene’s take on the process of forgiveness. And Emmy on the difficulties of practicing journalism in Rwanda. And the light in Jean-Bosco’s eyes when he talked about how his TV story helped fix the potholes on Kigali streets.They were four of my students and I like to think they taught me as much as I taught them. Only half of my time in Rwanda was spent in the classroom, but that time was a rich vein. At its best, teaching for me is a joyful negotiation: I’ll give you something, and you give me something back. Occasionally, I get the best of the bargain. This was one of those times.But it all happened accidentally. I was never supposed to be a Rwandan classroom at all. Blame it on a few loose words.Ever since my first reporting trip there in 1994, Rwanda has taken up residence in a small corner of my brain, in the form of an anguished question mark. How could this genocide possibly have happened? When I signed up for the Rwanda Initiative last year, I thought this might be a unique (and oblique) way of getting me closer to an answer. I agreed to spend three weeks in the newsroom of TV Rwanda. I would help the reporters develop some professional reporting skills. In return, I would use those contacts to pursue some stories of my own, as a freelance journalist.But something happened. In my first week in Kigali, I wrote a blog that upset some influential people, and these people decided that I would not be welcome in the country’s only TV newsroom. Something about my obsession with “shadows” that one still finds in Rwandan life. It was my first civics lesson in 21st-century Rwanda: Be careful—very careful-- what you say about life in the aftermath of the genocide. People are listening and reading, and weighing every word, every nuance, every opinion, especially if there might be an international audience. Some things in Rwanda may only be whispered. On reflection, I shouldn’t have been surprised. Rwanda is still in post-traumatic shock. When a visitor comes and unburdens himself of an opinion that may be even mildly critical of the government, it will set off alarm bells.As a result, instead of going to TV Rwanda, I was re-routed to the campus of the National University in Butare. I would be teaching the fundamentals of broadcast writing to a group of journalism and communication students. As it turned out, the fuss over my blog was useful preparation for me as a teacher: It gave me insight into the environment that these prospective communicators would be launched into after graduation. If they decided on journalism, they would have to learn to walk a fine line. Tightrope walking is not necessarily a bad thing in this business: if nothing else, you learn to step carefully, you learn balance, you learn to be intensely aware of your environment. Up on the high wire, you learn to focus. Or else.Happily, a number of my students also worked at TV Rwanda in their spare time. I could watch their work on the nightly news. We could discuss it. And day-by-day, I began to see things that they could do to improve their product—to create a better newscast—without risking the displeasure of their bosses, who have to be so mindful of politics. I told them that this was vital work: Television news can be—should be—a forum for public dialogue, and Rwanda was in urgent need of as much public dialogue as it could generate. Here are some of the things I told them:1. “Let me hear more voices, and see more faces, in your news reports. Average people, talking about things that matter to them, in simple language. This is where politics starts. People talking to other people. Make your newscast a more democratic platform.”2. “Don’t be in such awe of the politicians. Drop the titles, like ‘honorable.’ Ask them tougher questions. Be polite, but politely skeptical. Don’t take everything they say at face value. Ask them, politely, to back up their statements with facts.”3. “Convince your editors to expand their news agendas. Rwandan domestic news consists almost entirely of press conferences and seminars. The images are boring to the point of catatonia. TV news should not be a government bulletin board, it should be an informed conversation. Take the cameras outside, videotape people where they live and work and play, and tell stories that have a greater social import. Rwanda is full of powerful human stories. Tell these stories. Over time, both your editors, and the politicians who rely on television to ‘get their message out,’ will see that this makes for far more compelling TV news.”4. “In your writing, try to simplify, and try to stay away from bureaucratic jargon. You are professionals. Don’t parrot press releases. You are not publicists. You are journalists trained to think critically. Let that be reflected in the language and the scope of your reporting.”5. “Let me hear more people talk, especially in close-up. I want to see their eyes, glance into their souls. And don’t paraphrase them. Don’t put your narration over video of their lips moving. Give them voice, even if it’s in an unfamiliar language. That’s how you get authenticity.”6. “You, the reporters, are the agents of change. This change does not have to be confrontational. These things I’m talking about are not subversive, they’re common sense. So tactfully convince your bosses, convince officials, heck, tell the president, that it is in everyone’s interest to develop a more watchable, balanced and independent news media. It will be more work for you, but ultimately, much more satisfying. And it’s an exciting enterprise: you’ll be pioneers.”And so on. Some of the students complained that, in their work, they were constrained by what they called “the editorial line.” One student called their work “appeasement.” That sounded dangerously blunt, but it may hold some truth. Public broadcasting in Rwanda is not public broadcasting in Canada. “Freedom of the press,” in the Rwandan context, is seen by many as a dangerous two-edged sword that needs to be managed and contained. This argument has some strong historic underpinnings—in 1994, for example, leading radio stations and newspapers were organs of genocidal propaganda.But I also got the feeling that my students were holding themselves back, even censoring their own instincts. One student who worked regularly at TV Rwanda bluntly called it a culture of “laziness.” Many of the reporters, he said, just didn’t want to do the work needed to expand the boundaries of their craft. We didn’t have the time to explore this further in the classroom; it would be a great subject for some future master’s or doctoral thesis.With the lessons out of the way, I asked the students to talk about themselves, their own life histories, and their own motivations. To my pleasant surprise, they were expansive and candid—more candid, in fact, than any students I’ve ever taught in Canada. And this is where my learning came. I learned things about how they viewed the limits of forgiveness: where the personal anguish and loss they suffered in the genocide came crashing up again the social imperative of national unity. One student gave me insight into reconciliation of the “heart,” as opposed to reconciliation by political decree. As they talked, they gave me hope that the next generation of Rwandan journalists does indeed have a strong voice and a social conscience that will help to break ground and heal wounds. All that’s needed, perhaps, is a little more oxygen, a little more empowerment—an acceptance by authorities that the rewards of more open expression in Rwanda, may well outweigh the risks. Especially if the voices doing the expressing belong to people like Emmanuel and Theo and Emmy and Jean-Bosco . . .
Claude Adams
Claude Adams
Sarkozy named in Genocide financing schemeDate: 22nd-May 2007
Rwanda news Agency
Kigali - Testifying before the Mucyo Commission, a former major client with Caisse Centrale de Réassurance (CCR) company Mr. Martin Marschner Von Helmreich has revealed that 1 billion Francs (150m Euros) was “diverted” in 1994 “most probably” to finance the Genocide machine in Rwanda , RNA has established.
According to Marschner, CCR announced a loss of 1 billion Francs on August 29, 1994 that came as a “shock” to him because “78% of total deposits” managed by the French government insurance parastatal was for clients he represented as a financial broker. The money had apparently disappeared between the periods January to August 1994.
The German national who has lived and worked in France for decades explained that he himself was “surprised” when the money was refunded “directly” to CCR accounts from the French government treasury on September 14 1994.
Mr. Marschner told the commission that he picked interest to know where the 1 billion had disappeared just because he needed to regain his “professional” credibility before his clients on whose behalf he controlled their money.
After what he called a “profound investigation”, he found out that “everyday” in January 1994 alone, several million francs had been diverted “mysteriously”.
Reading from one of the booklets he had brought along, Mr. Marschner said on January 11 1994 “5 million Francs” was diverted from the company to a supposed “classified operation in Central Africa ”. He promised to give the commission 800-page dossier from his investigation.
He affirmed later during question time that a “friend” of his who was in charge of “special operations” confided in him (Marschner) that at the time (when the money disappeared), French “special forces” were actively involved in Rwanda .
The Kagame led Rwanda Patriotic Army rebels had actually launched war against President Habyarimana in October 1990.
Various witnesses have given corroborated evidence to the Mucyo Commission indicating that French soldiers were fighting along the Habyarimana government forces since 1992.
The corporately dressed Mr. Marschner said his “investigation” also led him to discover that the UN and Survie (French anti-genocide campaign group) had information pointing to arms trafficking through Goma (D R Congo) - into Rwanda .
According to him, the trail of the flawed accounts was traced to an account in Rochefort Finance (an affiliate of CCR) on which the “diverted” missing money had been deposited. He said he discovered “40m Francs” had actually been used to purchase arms for the Rwanda campaign. This was after
Put to task to clarify the relationship between the “Rochefort account” and arms trafficked into Rwanda , he explained that the UN had also landed on the “same account” from its investigations on arms trafficking allegations.
Asked to explain the link between French involvement in Rwanda and Comoros Islands , Mr. Marschner said arms were “trafficked” by a South African national, but that the entire French campaigns in central Africa were planned in the Comoros .
He revealed that the “diverted” money from CCR was “transferred through an account in BNP Paribas” - the French central bank. The money was then apparently spread to cover the “numerous undercover” campaigns in Rwanda and Bosnia .
According to Mr. Marschner, current French President Nicholas Sarkozy was Minister for Budget represented on the permanently CCR board by another official who was part of the decisional mechanism of the company. From 1993 to 1995, Mr. Sarkozy was Minister for the Budget in Edouard Balladur premiership.
However, falling short of pointing directly at Mr. Sarkozy to have had possible involvement with the decisions to transfer such sums of money from the treasury that he controlled, Mr. Marschner said he could not be sure.
“(Mr.) Sarkozy was the Minister for the Budget ... he may say he was not aware (of the dubious transfers)”, he told the attentively listening 7-member commission. In this position as Budget Minister, Mr. Sarkozy should have been a signatory to the refund of the 1 billion Francs into the coffers of CCR.
Put to task by commission president - Jean de Dieu Mucyo to assert whether he qualifies French involvement in the Genocide in Rwanda as “direct” or indirect”, Mr. Marschner just answered confidently and assertively “direct”.
“Based on evidence I have from transactions that CCR had and where the diverted money could have been channeled, I believe there is no doubt on their (French authorities) involvement”, he explained as he pointed to booklets besides him.
“The problem however comes to how the link between the French establishment (political or otherwise) can be linked to the transactions of CCR but the company was owned by the state”.
Bernard Kouchner twist
New French President Nicolas Sarkozy named his first 15-member Cabinet last week, radically revamping the government, with nearly as many women as men and including a humanitarian crusader.
Observers say the appointment of career diplomat and self acclaimed humanitarianist Dr. Bernard Kouchner to the foreign affairs portfolio could be a move to “calm down the ever rising temperature” over France ’s past in Rwanda .
As the war raged, Mr. Kouchner was allowed safe passage through the RPF rebel strong hold to the east of Rwanda in early 1994 as he negotiated the launch of the controversial “humanitarian cordon” - commonly known as ‘Zone Turquoise’.
Recently he was also in the country seeking to have Rwanda approve his nomination to head the World Health Organisation (WHO). He however lost to a Chinese.
With the above and several numerous encounters previously that Mr. Kouchner had with Kigali establishment, observers say he could be probable link between France and Rwanda . There have been several European led moves to bring France and Rwanda to talk but to very little movement from either party.
Thursday, April 5, 2007
The woes of Kaduha survivors and witnesses
By Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Apr 01, 2007 at 12:40 PM
For starters, Kaduha is a rather remote district 37 kilometers from Gikongoro town, in the western part of Southern Province. Though it may have hit the press headlines in 2003 when resident survivors were tortured and killed by the suspects of the genocide, it is one of the areas that were terribly hit by the 1994 genocide as over 200,000 are believed to have perished. Mediatrice Mukaneza, of Kavumu sector in Kaduha district, whose biological brother Emille Ndahamana was stabbed and strangled to death and thrown at a streamside in the vicinity, recounts her brother’s fate to The New Times with grief, but only after a lengthy haggle with this reporter. “Now let me trust and tell you about Kaduha killings, hopefully it (the story) will jog the memories of the Kigali-based authorities, and impel them to deal with the culprits accordingly,” Mukaneza says after putting this reporter to task of convincing her that the publication of the story was all in good faith. After assurances and reassurances, a rapport is created and the tall tale is told. “On the fateful day Emille left his home for a friend’s wedding. He delayed to return home. We waited for him in vain. His wife tried to inquire from the newlyweds and family friends only to be told that her husband had gone home after the wedding. After three days of vain searching, finally the wife, I, relatives and friends came across his clothes at Kigogo riverside and right away informed Gikongoro Police who partnered with us in the search for the corpse all through the bushes and latrines where we found it hidden alongside the same stream seven days later.”Since Ndahimana had always declared his willingness to testify against their tormentors during the 1994 genocide, Mukaneza says eight suspects led by one Mugenzi were nabbed and incarcerated by the Gikongoro police, tried in court and pleaded guilty later and sentenced to life imprisonment in Kigali 1930 prison. She then says; “And indeed 2 of them have confessed to have killed Ndahimana for fear that he would have exposed their illicit deeds during the genocide.” Nonetheless, the hundreds of kilometers between Kaduha and Kigali notwithstanding, the sister of the deceased is scared that corruption might come into play leading to the release of people who on top killing Ndahimana, even chopped off his private parts. Apart from her blood brother, Mukaneza intimated to this reporter that survivors; Rutinduka, Kabombo (nick name) and others were killed in a similar manner. She hints on the death of a man in Kaduha, who had just been released last year after confessing his role in the genocide. It is said that her spouse was involved in the plot for his death. It is said that the victim had plans of flying to Arusha-Tanzania to testify against Lieutenant Colonel Aloysius Simba, a notorious mastermind of the Genocide who is now behind bars at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.The 1994 Kaduha bloodshed According to Mukaneza, around 200,000 people in Kaduha were brutally murdered. “Our houses were set ablaze by these cruel Interahamwe militias. We were always on the run and greatly suffered during the genocide until we bumped into the Belgian and the French Zone Turquoise. But still the rescuers (Belgians and French) were mixed with Interahamwe. Had it not been the arrival of ‘Inkotanyi’ I don’t think we would have survived the machetes,” she recalls the ordeal adding, “most of those who perished had sought refuge in Kaduha Church on the expectation the priests would protect them as had been the case before, but this time even the ‘people of God’ connived with the killers to slaughter.”Asked to comment on the area Gacaca proceedings, Mukaneza says the suspects have completely declined to tell the true story of the genocide. She notes that the suspects’ reluctance to tell the truth coupled with their threats to the witnesses has adversely affected Gacaca as some witnesses have opted to reserve the accounts. She reveals that four witnesses have died through alcohol and food poisoning.Kaduha Killings before 1994The discovery of the remains of John Baptist Kanonora, in Ikinyana cell of Nyakiza sector in Kaduha district in may 2005 reflects how long the genocide ideology had been brewing.The late Kanonora, who was born in 1900, was brutally murdered by his neighbors in 1963 and the whereabouts of his body were not known until May 2005, when a confessed genocide perpetrator in Gikongoro prison, who also participated in burying Kanonora’s body, led the family members and the authorities to the burial site.According to a family member, Prosper Bitembeka, a fourth year Student in the School of Journalism and Communication in the National University of Rwanda, it is the Genocide prisoner one Fulgence Habimana who had participated in the killing and the rude burial of another family member during the Genocide who took them the site. “This occasion is enough to show everyone that there was Genocide in Rwanda even before 1994 especially those that have always refuted it” Joseph Habineza, the minister of Culture and Sports noted in May 2005 while officiating at the decent burial accorded to Kanonora by the family members including Protais Mitali the minister of Commerce and Industry.
Apr 01, 2007 at 12:40 PM
For starters, Kaduha is a rather remote district 37 kilometers from Gikongoro town, in the western part of Southern Province. Though it may have hit the press headlines in 2003 when resident survivors were tortured and killed by the suspects of the genocide, it is one of the areas that were terribly hit by the 1994 genocide as over 200,000 are believed to have perished. Mediatrice Mukaneza, of Kavumu sector in Kaduha district, whose biological brother Emille Ndahamana was stabbed and strangled to death and thrown at a streamside in the vicinity, recounts her brother’s fate to The New Times with grief, but only after a lengthy haggle with this reporter. “Now let me trust and tell you about Kaduha killings, hopefully it (the story) will jog the memories of the Kigali-based authorities, and impel them to deal with the culprits accordingly,” Mukaneza says after putting this reporter to task of convincing her that the publication of the story was all in good faith. After assurances and reassurances, a rapport is created and the tall tale is told. “On the fateful day Emille left his home for a friend’s wedding. He delayed to return home. We waited for him in vain. His wife tried to inquire from the newlyweds and family friends only to be told that her husband had gone home after the wedding. After three days of vain searching, finally the wife, I, relatives and friends came across his clothes at Kigogo riverside and right away informed Gikongoro Police who partnered with us in the search for the corpse all through the bushes and latrines where we found it hidden alongside the same stream seven days later.”Since Ndahimana had always declared his willingness to testify against their tormentors during the 1994 genocide, Mukaneza says eight suspects led by one Mugenzi were nabbed and incarcerated by the Gikongoro police, tried in court and pleaded guilty later and sentenced to life imprisonment in Kigali 1930 prison. She then says; “And indeed 2 of them have confessed to have killed Ndahimana for fear that he would have exposed their illicit deeds during the genocide.” Nonetheless, the hundreds of kilometers between Kaduha and Kigali notwithstanding, the sister of the deceased is scared that corruption might come into play leading to the release of people who on top killing Ndahimana, even chopped off his private parts. Apart from her blood brother, Mukaneza intimated to this reporter that survivors; Rutinduka, Kabombo (nick name) and others were killed in a similar manner. She hints on the death of a man in Kaduha, who had just been released last year after confessing his role in the genocide. It is said that her spouse was involved in the plot for his death. It is said that the victim had plans of flying to Arusha-Tanzania to testify against Lieutenant Colonel Aloysius Simba, a notorious mastermind of the Genocide who is now behind bars at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.The 1994 Kaduha bloodshed According to Mukaneza, around 200,000 people in Kaduha were brutally murdered. “Our houses were set ablaze by these cruel Interahamwe militias. We were always on the run and greatly suffered during the genocide until we bumped into the Belgian and the French Zone Turquoise. But still the rescuers (Belgians and French) were mixed with Interahamwe. Had it not been the arrival of ‘Inkotanyi’ I don’t think we would have survived the machetes,” she recalls the ordeal adding, “most of those who perished had sought refuge in Kaduha Church on the expectation the priests would protect them as had been the case before, but this time even the ‘people of God’ connived with the killers to slaughter.”Asked to comment on the area Gacaca proceedings, Mukaneza says the suspects have completely declined to tell the true story of the genocide. She notes that the suspects’ reluctance to tell the truth coupled with their threats to the witnesses has adversely affected Gacaca as some witnesses have opted to reserve the accounts. She reveals that four witnesses have died through alcohol and food poisoning.Kaduha Killings before 1994The discovery of the remains of John Baptist Kanonora, in Ikinyana cell of Nyakiza sector in Kaduha district in may 2005 reflects how long the genocide ideology had been brewing.The late Kanonora, who was born in 1900, was brutally murdered by his neighbors in 1963 and the whereabouts of his body were not known until May 2005, when a confessed genocide perpetrator in Gikongoro prison, who also participated in burying Kanonora’s body, led the family members and the authorities to the burial site.According to a family member, Prosper Bitembeka, a fourth year Student in the School of Journalism and Communication in the National University of Rwanda, it is the Genocide prisoner one Fulgence Habimana who had participated in the killing and the rude burial of another family member during the Genocide who took them the site. “This occasion is enough to show everyone that there was Genocide in Rwanda even before 1994 especially those that have always refuted it” Joseph Habineza, the minister of Culture and Sports noted in May 2005 while officiating at the decent burial accorded to Kanonora by the family members including Protais Mitali the minister of Commerce and Industry.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
Rwanda
Administrative map