–
Abdul Ruzibiza, a former captain of the Rwanda Patriotic Front and key witness in a French judge's investigation into a 1994 attack that triggered the Rwandan genocide, has died, Norwegian police said Friday. He was 40.
Ruzibiza died in a Norwegian hospital Wednesday.
Ruzibiza released a book in 2005, saying the group was behind the 1994 attack that shot down then-President Juvenal Habyarimana's plane.
The incident set off attacks in the central African nation by extremists members of the Hutu majority who killed Tutsis and moderate Hutus. About 1,000,000 Tutsis, were killed in 100 days.
Ruzibiza's testimony has been instrumental in an investigation led by a French judge who in 2006 concluded that current Rwandan President Paul Kagame ordered the attack.
Rwanda cut off diplomatic ties with France as a result in 2006 and restored them in November 2009. The Rwandan government's own investigation, released in January, suggested that the plane was shot down by Habyarimana's allies as an excuse for starting the genocide.
The sudden death of Ruzibiza remains a mystery and make people think that Rwandan operatives might be behind it.
Written by Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
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Compiled by Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Colonel Patrick Karegyeya speaks out from Johannesburg.
Col. Patrick Karegyeya is a former top spy for the Rwandan government who fell out with the leadership and fled into exile in South Africa. Following the attempt on his exiled colleague, former Rwandan Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa’s life in Johannesburg South Africa by unknown assassins, Col Karegyeya tries to explain their differences with the Rwandan government.
What really is your problem with President Kagame?
Karegyeya: I have no personal problem with President Kagame. Our differences are premised on matters of principle over national issues mostly with regard to governance and human rights.
What issues are those?
Karegyeya:
Despotism – The struggle to liberate Rwanda was premised on the establishment of democracy. This has not happened in the past 17 years of Kagame’s rule. We were all required then to participate and praise the rigging of elections where Kagame allots himself 95% in the Presidential Elections in 2003 and 94% in 2010. Some of us then wondered whether there was any difference between him and President Habyalimana (ex-Rwandan President), yet during the struggle we vehemently criticized the rigging of elections by his government.
But some people have argued that this demonstrates Kagame’s popularity.
Karegyeya: Well, even supporters of President Hosni Mubarak, President Ben Ali and President Muammar Gaddafi were saying the same a month before their ouster. When you look at the sacrifices and anger during the revolutions in those countries, it is a wake-up call on how despotism can be deceitful to those looking at it from outside. It is only a despotic leader who can register 90+ in general elections.
Unlike those countries, Rwanda boasts of an efficient state- one of the best in Africa.
Karegyeya: Any country that churns out refugees like Rwanda does lack the fundamental guarantees of the rule of law. President Kagame is the jury, the judge and the hang man in Rwanda. Many people have been held for long periods on his orders. Fabricated charges are designed to victimize political opponents in courts of law. Many people decide to run to exile because their cases cannot fairly be adjudicated by courts of law.
Can you cite any names?
Karegyeya: Most people who were in government in the early 1990s have probably disappeared without trace, run to exile or severely marginalized in Rwanda. What happened to President Bizimungu? What about all leaders of the transitional government of 1994?
But most of these cases are a result of indiscipline. What do you want the president to do?
Karegyeya: Kagame argues that his former colleagues were either nothing, useless or corrupt. But none of them owns two bombardier global express long range luxury jets, none of them sleeps in a hotel room for $20,000 a night on public expense.
Patrick, any president anywhere is entitled to comfort?
Karegyeya: True, but it is nauseating listening to the most kleptocratic despots preaching zero tolerance on corruption. We are totally opposed to a leader who has appropriated public finances for his aggrandizement.
But isn’t it normal for you in the opposition to acuse the rulers of Despotism?
Karegyeya: In Rwanda every one is a potential candidate to prison, exile or disappearance. The state of fear, suspicion and deafening silence is simply unbearable. Nobody loves living in a police state where citizens open their mouths only when they visit a dentist or are on their dinner tables. The killings have been extended to foreign countries -assassination attempts in South Africa are well documented, the UK MI5 warned the Rwanda government about an assassination attempt on British territory and many others.
The Rwandan government has denied all this.
Karegyeya: If you were in their shoes, would you admit?
I am in Rwanda now. Every citizen moves freely.
Karegyaya: The Rwanda I know of which is Kagame’s Rwanda, the media, human rights organisations and even the church are put on the leash to preach and condone government excesses. Most of them, if not all, have been infiltrated and manned by security agents to the extent that it is absurd to call them civil societies. Unfortunately, Kagame has created the tendency and belief that Rwanda will end with Kagame. Generally my quarrel with President Kagame is about liberty and freedoms. We argue that there is a difference between Kagame and Rwanda. Rwanda and Kagame do not mean the same. His critics could be his opponents but not national enemies. Unless these distinctions are drawn, we have no other way of describing Paul Kagame other than being a despot.
You one time said and I quote: ‘Dictators’ don’t step down, they are brought down,’ in reference to President Kagame. Isn’t he justified to hunt you down?
Karegyeya: Former President Mubarak is in court for killing those who called for his ouster. Everywhere in the world, opposition politicians call for the ouster of obnoxious leaders. What is wrong for us to call for the removal of a dictator in Rwanda? We have advocated for peaceful means of bringing down a dictator. He has no right to hunt us down. It is already scandalous that all those challenging his dictatorship are either dead, in exile or in prison. When he gets out of power and criticizes the regime that will replace him- would he prefer to be hunted down? My statement should not be put out of context by a violent regime which envisages change of government exclusively by violent means.
But honestly, when you declare war on an elected regime, why do you expect it to treat you with flowers?
Karegyeya: We are not asking for friendship with Paul Kagame. We are demanding for our rights not flowers. We did not declare war. There was no war in Egypt or Tunisia. The oppressed people called for the removal of the regime and it happened. Why should it be different for us. The issue of elected regime in a dictatorship is subjective. Both Ben Ali and Mubarak were ‘ elected’ leaders and so is Paul Kagame. We are conscious that most regimes that came to power through the barrel of the gun including the regime in Kigali are neither democratic nor sustainable. Another war in Rwanda would be unfortunate and costly but a revolution like what was experienced in North Africa is long over due. We belong to the Rwanda National Congress and we articulated our programs and objectives. War is none of our options.
You were jailed twice over indiscipline, desertion and insubordination, stripped of your rank and now you face over 20 years in jail. What do you make of that?
Karegyeya: It shows the extremes of dictatorship and insensitivity. What you do not know is that all our properties were also confiscated as if we do not have families. Kagame is the jury, the judge and hang man who uses excesses to satisfy his temperament. The purpose of collective punishment is to threaten the population into submission and completely terrorize opposition. All dictators have done the same from Idi Amin to Saddam Hussein. Where else except in Kagame’s Rwanda that a President can relentlessly hunt down people even in exile? What crime did our families commit? Would he like similar treatment when he is out of power?
But as the country’s former top spy, you were part of the mess that you are fighting.
Karegyeya: Well I am a human being and must have made mistakes and to err is human. We admitted which ever mistakes we could have made and we advised that some of those mistakes should be rectified. That is why the fall out with Kagame and why we are being hunted. We can authoritatively point out those mistakes because we know them. If we advocate for reform even where we were involved it is because we are not averse to self criticism. We believe in collective responsibility and individual culpability. What we do not accept is the perpetuation of a police state that does not tolerate criticism and collective responsibility We are talking about personalization of institutions of the State, this is bigger and beyond the mandate of the top spy.
You and the President are comrades. Are your differences so bad that you can’t reconcile?
Karegyeya: I was held incommunicado for five months, later imprisoned on fabricated charges. My case was comical because there was no single prosecution witness and yet I was sentenced to two years in imprisonment. Recently, we were sentenced in absentia to long prison terms. It is not ourselves who can answer this question – it is President Kagame who can competently answer this question because he is the one hunting us down. But judging on how he treated Late Alex Kanyarengwe, (former president) Pasteur Bizimungu, Jozeph Sebarenzi and many others, we have searched and found very few people with whom Paul Kagame has reconciled. However, we should not personalize these matters. We are talking about issues of governance. Reconciliation with individuals while holding the nation hostage is not the solution.
What are Kagame’s greatest points?
Karegyeya: What we used to think were strong points were a protracted strategy to entrench himself. Ultimately, it tragically becomes a very weak point. Those who praise him will argue that Kigali is smart but how would you feel sleeping in a smart city while your fundamental human and civil rights are denied, where the justice system is totally controlled and no independent media can exist. There is more propaganda than reality and Rwandans are conditioned to praising what they do not understand or don’t believe. When you rob people of their consciousness there is little distinction between a human being and a chattel.
What are his weakest points?
Karegyeya: Deceit and insensitivity. It is only an insensitive person who stays in $20,000 room per night from a poor country like Rwanda and has the courage to talk about corruption and excesses. If you go out and claim that you were elected by 93.5% in Rwanda, you need to be medically examined. If you go out and celebrate the scandal, that makes it worse.
What in your view is the best way forward for a fractured society like Rwanda?
Karegyaya: We need to build institutions instead of individuals. We need to nurture a culture of tolerance and stop the justice of the victor. Leaders should think about genuine reconciliation based on truth and tolerance. We should concentrate on restorative justice instead of retribution. There is a need for serious consideration of merit instead of perpetuating clientelism. Above all, accountability should begin from the top.
In light of the recent attempt on your colleague, GEN Nyamwasa, who is hunting you down and why?
Karegyeya: The South African government spokesperson said that the attempt to assassinate Gen Kayumba was instigated by a state. Surely it cannot be Nicaragua or Moldova. Some elements were recorded negotiating prices to carry out crimes. Definitely they were not going to use personal money and they clearly say where the money is coming from. Those whose voices are recorded are well known serial killers by most Rwandans.
There are those who think it’s Rwandan detractors who want to discredit the regime
Karegyeya: When a leader goes to parliament and declares that if it means to use a hammer to kill a fly, he will do it, what more do you want to know? And as I said above, the killers are well recorded giving instructions and they are known.
Kagame accuses you of terrorism and of masterminding grenade attacks in Kigali. He probably knows you better!
Karegyeya: Kagame accuses all his critics of terrorist acts. Maybe that is the only method of resistance familiar to him. We are not thugs nor are we senseless people. What has a market vendor got to do with all this? It is Kagame who wanted to terrorize people in submission before the elections. Why is it that the grenade attacks stopped after the elections? One time those used to throw the grenades will confess who directed them to do it.
Is it helpful to fight a regime in the comfort zones of South Africa? Why don’t you return home and freely contest for leadership using civil means?
Karegyaya: Ask Pasteur Bizimungu, Charles Ntakirutinka, Bernard Ntaganda , Victoire Ingabire and Deo Mushayidi what it means to criticize a dictatorial regime in Rwanda.
There are reports that the reason you cannot be extradited to Rwanda is because you are protected by intelligence agencies like the CIA and MOSSAD.
Karegyaya: That is totally untrue. CIA is for Americans and MOSSAD is for Israelis and we are here in South Africa which is a sovereign state and not controlled by either country. The fact is that the charges under which we were sentenced do not meet international standards. Interpol declined to honour them and any credible country or institution would. Remember we were sentenced by a military court in absentia on the basis of what we wrote or said in the media. Any extradition would certainly mean extraditing political prisoners and no civilized people can do that.
Are you safe in South Africa after the recent attempt on Gen. Nyamwasa’s life?
Karegyeya: Everyone has his own day. We know of many people who have since died in Rwanda at the hands of the state. We also know of many others who have died of natural causes. When Pinochet (former Chilean dictator) and many dictators like him were hunting down their critics, they did not envisage that their time would come. We are not going to run to the moon and we believe countries should respect the sovereignty of others.
Are you associated with any armed effort against the government of Rwanda?
Karegyeya: We are not in any way associated with any armed groups and we do not intend to. There are less bloody and cost effective ways of challenging a dictatorial regime. There are more civilized ways of fighting other than launching a violent war. Human rights have taken centre stage and we believe in preservation of life. The Rwandan war was very costly and the outcome is not better than what we fought against. Nobody should take the people of Rwanda through the same motions.
What are your views on the law regarding ‘genocide ideology?’
Karegyaya: Nobody should deny the Rwandan genocide. Hundreds of Tutsi were butchered simply because of their identity and nobody should deny this. At the same time, nobody should deny that lots of Hutu died at the hands of Interahamwe and RPA soldiers. Denials on either side will not in any way foster reconciliation.
Who shot down the President Habyarimana plane sparking off the genocide in 1994?
Karegyeya: Investigations have been taking place. I do not want to compromise or influence any outcome. But surely as day follows night, the truth will one day come out.
You were instrumental in the RPA war, did the RPA commit some acts of genocide in areas under its control during the war of liberation?
Karegyeya: Human rights abuses, certainly. Genocide, I do not think so.
There are reports that French and Spanish judges who are implicating Kagame and others in the downing of the Habyarimana plane are quietly talking to you to stand witness against the president.
Karegyeya: Nobody has approached us. What we know is that the French investigators met some Rwandan officials in Burundi. Maybe for the record, I am not one of the officials under investigation. I do not think either the French or the Spanish would have interest in me.
Thank you Colonel.
Friday, September 24, 2010
Wednesday, July 14, 2010
President Kagame has called for deliberate intervation in broadband accessibility
President Paul Kagame has said that widespread access to broadband for developing countries, can not be attained unless countries show willingness to this initiative.
President Kagame was speaking this sunday at the first meeting of the recently launched Broadband Commission at the International Communication Union in Geneva, Switzerland.
President Kagame will co-chair the commission with the world's richest man Carlos Slim of Mexico.
The UN believes Broadband is this century’s driver of economic growth and prosperity.
The objective of the Broadband Commission is to advocate for widespread access to broadband for developing countries.
According to the communiqué from the office of the president, The co-chairs will seek to generate a shared global vision and commitment among world leaders, a critical step in achieving accelerated deployment of broadband.
Given its proven benefits, the commission will seek ways to promote rapid and increased access to broadband for poorer nations currently lagging behind, to enable these countries to address their development challenges and actively participate in the global economy.
Sylvia Gasana
Rwisereka Andre waburiwe irengero i HUYE
Police y’igihugu muri iki gitondo yatangaje ko hari umugabo witwa Rwisereka Andre waburiwe irengero kugeza ubu iperereza rikaba ritaragaraza aho yaba aherereye.Ngo yaba yavuye mu kabari ke kitwa sombrelo gaherereye mu mujyi wa Huye mu gihe cy’isa munani z’ijoro avuga ko atashye iwe.Icyakora police y’igihugu ikavuga ko iperereza rigikorwa ryerekana ko uwo mugabo yaraye ahaye mushiki we babana mu rugo amafaranga ibihumbi magana 6 amubwira ko ashobora gutaha atinze.Kuva igihe yatangiye ayo mafaranga ngo yaba atari yaboneka mu rugo iwe nkuko tubikeshya Eric Kayiranga umuvugizi wa police y’igihugu.
Police y’igihugu ikaba isaba umuryango we kuba utuje mu gihe iperereza rigikorwa ku irengero rya Andre Rwisereka.Amakuru avugwa hırya no hino avuga ko imodoka ya Rwisereka police yayisanze yamenetse parabrise aricyo kirahure cy’imbere y’imodoka. Gusa cari n'abavuga ko yaba yaguye mu gaco k'abagizi ba nabi. Inkuru turacyayibakurikiranira.
Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Gwynne Dyer: Rwanda president Paul Kagame tiptoes around democracy
Gwynne Dyer: Rwanda president Paul Kagame tiptoes around democracy
By Gwynne Dyer
Rwanda president Paul Kagame will not risk real democracy, despite a remarkable economic growth rate of 11 percent last year.
Did Paul Kagame really stop the genocide in Rwanda 16 years ago, or did he just interrupt it for a while?
That question frightens him so much that he will not risk everything on the outcome of a democratic election.
Kagame is running for reelection to the presidency of the traumatised central African country next month. If economic success automatically brought political success, he would be a shoo-in: Rwanda’s economy grew by 11 percent last year.
But in fact, his resounding election victory in 2003 was the result of ruthless manipulation, and this one will be the same.
In recent months, opposition party leaders in Rwanda have been arrested and charged with denying the genocide.
An opposition newspaper was banned and its co-editors attacked. (One died, one survived.)
Leading generals in the Rwandan army have been arrested or have fled into exile. (One was wounded last month in an attempted hit in South Africa.)
So is Kagame over-reacting? Maybe.
If you cut Kagame open, you would find engraved on his heart William Faulkner’s terrible truth: “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”
One-tenth of Rwanda’s population–at least 800,000 people, Tutsis and those who tried to protect them–were murdered by their neighbours, mostly with machetes, only sixteen years ago.
Not nearly enough time has passed yet for generational turnover to take the edge off the grief and the hate. Everybody pretends it’s over, but of course it isn’t. How could it be?
Kagame’s whole life has been shaped by genocide. He grew up in Uganda, where his parents fled when an earlier wave of violence killed about 100,000 Tutsis in Rwanda in the early 1960s.
He became the leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a mainly Tutsi exile organisation dedicated to overthrowing the Hutu extremists who ruled the country, and he led the RPF army that marched in to stop the great genocide of 1994.
He knows, of course, that Tutsis and Hutus are not really separate ethnic groups.
All of Rwanda’s 19 major clans includes both Tutsis and Hutus. They speak the same language and they live in the same villages.
The term once distinguished cattle-herders from farmers, and later the wealthy from the poor. Rich Hutus could become Tutsis–but the Tutsis naturally always remained a minority of the population.
He also knows, however, that the colonial authorities exploited those class differences and gave the Tutsis political authority over the Hutus in return for their loyalty.
By the later 20th century the Tutsis and Hutus had become ethnic groups for all practical purposes, with a constant undercurrent of resentment by the Hutus against the Tutsis.
After independence in 1960, the killing got underway very quickly. It peaked in 1994.
This past will not leave Rwanda alone. The very words “Tutsi” and “Hutu” have now been banned in Rwanda, but a ministerial investigation in 2008 found anti-Tutsi graffiti and harassment of Tutsi students in most of the schools that were visited.
The army is exclusively Tutsi and the government almost entirely so, because Kagame does not really believe that this generation of Hutus can be trusted.
To make his position even more precarious, Tutsi solidarity is breaking down.
The arrests, exile and attempted assassination of various generals may be in response to real plots.
Most Tutsi generals belong to the Nyiginya clan, which traditionally provided the country’s king. Kagame is from the Umwega clan, and some of the Nyiginya think that power has remained in the wrong hands for too long.
It is an awful situation, and Kagame has only one strategy for avoiding a return to genocide: hang on to power, and hope that rapid economic growth and the passage of time will eventually blur the identities and blunt the reflexes that have made this generation of Rwandans so dangerous to one another.
His model is Singapore, an ethnically complex state that avoided too much democracy during the early decades of its dash for growth.
If Rwanda could become the Singapore of central Africa, then maybe its citizens would eventually come to believe that their stake in the country’s new stability and prosperity was more important than the history.
But Singapore did not have so far to travel, and its history was not drowned in blood.
The logic of Kagame’s strategy obliges him to stay in power: his first duty is to Rwanda’s Tutsis, at least half of whom have already been murdered.
But he must provide prosperity to the Hutu majority too, in order to reconcile them to Tutsi survival, and his relatively corruption-free government has made impressive progress towards that goal.
Nevertheless, in a free election, most Rwandans would vote along ethnic lines.
His Rwandan Patriotic Front would instantly be replaced by a Hutu-led regime of unknowable character and purpose. He dares not risk it, so real democracy is not an option.
If Kagame is now killing opposition journalists and dissident generals, then he is making a dreadful and probably fatal mistake, but it may not be him.
In the ruthlessly Machiavellian world of Rwandan politics, other possibilities also exist. Either way, he has the loneliest, scariest job in the world, and he must know that the odds are long against him.
The new edition of Gwynne Dyer's latest book, Climate Wars, has just been published in Canada by Random House.
By Gwynne Dyer
Rwanda president Paul Kagame will not risk real democracy, despite a remarkable economic growth rate of 11 percent last year.
Did Paul Kagame really stop the genocide in Rwanda 16 years ago, or did he just interrupt it for a while?
That question frightens him so much that he will not risk everything on the outcome of a democratic election.
Kagame is running for reelection to the presidency of the traumatised central African country next month. If economic success automatically brought political success, he would be a shoo-in: Rwanda’s economy grew by 11 percent last year.
But in fact, his resounding election victory in 2003 was the result of ruthless manipulation, and this one will be the same.
In recent months, opposition party leaders in Rwanda have been arrested and charged with denying the genocide.
An opposition newspaper was banned and its co-editors attacked. (One died, one survived.)
Leading generals in the Rwandan army have been arrested or have fled into exile. (One was wounded last month in an attempted hit in South Africa.)
So is Kagame over-reacting? Maybe.
If you cut Kagame open, you would find engraved on his heart William Faulkner’s terrible truth: “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”
One-tenth of Rwanda’s population–at least 800,000 people, Tutsis and those who tried to protect them–were murdered by their neighbours, mostly with machetes, only sixteen years ago.
Not nearly enough time has passed yet for generational turnover to take the edge off the grief and the hate. Everybody pretends it’s over, but of course it isn’t. How could it be?
Kagame’s whole life has been shaped by genocide. He grew up in Uganda, where his parents fled when an earlier wave of violence killed about 100,000 Tutsis in Rwanda in the early 1960s.
He became the leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a mainly Tutsi exile organisation dedicated to overthrowing the Hutu extremists who ruled the country, and he led the RPF army that marched in to stop the great genocide of 1994.
He knows, of course, that Tutsis and Hutus are not really separate ethnic groups.
All of Rwanda’s 19 major clans includes both Tutsis and Hutus. They speak the same language and they live in the same villages.
The term once distinguished cattle-herders from farmers, and later the wealthy from the poor. Rich Hutus could become Tutsis–but the Tutsis naturally always remained a minority of the population.
He also knows, however, that the colonial authorities exploited those class differences and gave the Tutsis political authority over the Hutus in return for their loyalty.
By the later 20th century the Tutsis and Hutus had become ethnic groups for all practical purposes, with a constant undercurrent of resentment by the Hutus against the Tutsis.
After independence in 1960, the killing got underway very quickly. It peaked in 1994.
This past will not leave Rwanda alone. The very words “Tutsi” and “Hutu” have now been banned in Rwanda, but a ministerial investigation in 2008 found anti-Tutsi graffiti and harassment of Tutsi students in most of the schools that were visited.
The army is exclusively Tutsi and the government almost entirely so, because Kagame does not really believe that this generation of Hutus can be trusted.
To make his position even more precarious, Tutsi solidarity is breaking down.
The arrests, exile and attempted assassination of various generals may be in response to real plots.
Most Tutsi generals belong to the Nyiginya clan, which traditionally provided the country’s king. Kagame is from the Umwega clan, and some of the Nyiginya think that power has remained in the wrong hands for too long.
It is an awful situation, and Kagame has only one strategy for avoiding a return to genocide: hang on to power, and hope that rapid economic growth and the passage of time will eventually blur the identities and blunt the reflexes that have made this generation of Rwandans so dangerous to one another.
His model is Singapore, an ethnically complex state that avoided too much democracy during the early decades of its dash for growth.
If Rwanda could become the Singapore of central Africa, then maybe its citizens would eventually come to believe that their stake in the country’s new stability and prosperity was more important than the history.
But Singapore did not have so far to travel, and its history was not drowned in blood.
The logic of Kagame’s strategy obliges him to stay in power: his first duty is to Rwanda’s Tutsis, at least half of whom have already been murdered.
But he must provide prosperity to the Hutu majority too, in order to reconcile them to Tutsi survival, and his relatively corruption-free government has made impressive progress towards that goal.
Nevertheless, in a free election, most Rwandans would vote along ethnic lines.
His Rwandan Patriotic Front would instantly be replaced by a Hutu-led regime of unknowable character and purpose. He dares not risk it, so real democracy is not an option.
If Kagame is now killing opposition journalists and dissident generals, then he is making a dreadful and probably fatal mistake, but it may not be him.
In the ruthlessly Machiavellian world of Rwandan politics, other possibilities also exist. Either way, he has the loneliest, scariest job in the world, and he must know that the odds are long against him.
The new edition of Gwynne Dyer's latest book, Climate Wars, has just been published in Canada by Random House.
Monday, July 12, 2010
Inama nkuru y'itangazamakuru yahaye igihe ntarengwa ibinyamakuru bitujuje ibyangombwa
Kuva taliki ya 16 z’uku kwezi kwa 7 ibigo by’ibitangazamakuru bizaba bitarageza ku nama nkuru y’itangazamakuru ibisabwa n’itegeko rishya ry’itangazamakuru , ngo ntibizemererwa gukorera mu Rwanda.
Ibi byatangajwe n’umuyobozi mukuru w’inama y’ubutegetsi y’itangazamakuru Arthur Asimwe, mu kiganiro abagize inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru bari kumwe n’umuyobozi mukuru muri minisiteri y’itangazamakuru Ignatius Kabagambe bagiranye n’abanyamakuru mu rwego rwo kubagezaho icyegeranyo cy’ibitekerezo ku buryo bwo guteza imbere itangazamakuru mu Rwanda.
Ibitekerezo bikubiye muri icyo cyegeranyo byatanzwe n’abakora umwuga w’itangazamakuru mu Rwanda aba Leta n’abikorera bigaragaza muri rusange inzitizi itangazamakuru ryo mu Rwanda rihura nazo n’icyakorwa kugira ngo zikemuke. Amikoro n’ubushobozi buke ni bimwe mu bibazo ngo bituma bimwe mu bitangazamakuru byandika bitagira aho bikorera, ndetse na bike bihafite bikaba bidasohokera igihe. Umuti kuri icyo kibazo ngo n’ uko abanyamakuru bahugurwa ku bijyanye no gutegura imishinga ibafasha kwibeshaho no kubona inkunga ziva mu zindi nzego.
Muri iyo nama, banatinze kandi ku kibazo kijyanye n’ibisabwa ibigo by’itangazamakuru kugira ngo byemererwe gukorera mu Rwanda. Mu bisabwa harimo umwirondoro w’umuyobozi w’ikigo cy’igitangazamakuru n’uwumwanditsi mukuru, icyemezo kigaragaza ko umuntu atafunzwe, aho igitangazamakuru gikorera n’ icyemezo cy’ubucuruzi {registre de commerce}. Kugeza ubu, nk’uko inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru yabisobanuye abamaze kuyigezaho ibisabwa ni amaradiyo 6 n’ibinyamakuru 6 .Umuyobozi w’inama y’ubutegetsi y’inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru Arthur Asimwe, akaba yavuze ko nyuma y’italiki 16 z’uku kwezi ibigo by’itangazamakuru bizaba bitaruzuza ibiteganijwe n’itegeko bitazemererwa gukorera mu Rwanda.
Muri icyo kiganiro, abanyamakuru bifuje ko inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru yarushaho kwita ku banyamakuru bahohoterwa ariko ikanafatira ibyemezo ibinyamakuru bitandukira amahame n’amategeko agenga umwuga nk’ikinyamakuru Umurabyo. Umunyamabanga nshingwabikorwa w’inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru, Patrice Mulama yasobanuye ko n’ubwo umuyobozi w’ikinyamakuru Umurabyo yatawe muri yombi na police y’igihugu bitazabuza ko afatirwa ibyemezo n’urwo rwego mu cyumweru gitaha.
Umuyobozi mukuru muri ministere y’itangazamakuru, Ignatius Kabagambe yashimangiye ko batazarebera igitangazamakuru kitubahiriza amategeko.
Muri icyo kiganiro kandi habaye umuhango wo gushyikiriza ibigo by’ibitangazamakuru byujuje ibisabwa bibahesha ububasha bwo gukorera mu Rwanda certificat, ndetse hanatangwa ku mugaragaro amakarita mashya y’abanyamakuru.
IMF approves Kigali state-of-art Complex
The IMFhas hailed the govt of Rwanda’s decision to inject into the Kigali international convention complex and its support to the national carrier Rwandair to purchase its own ircrafts. Government injected over 240million US dollars in this magnificent complex.
This is was revealed in the Fund’s recently released policy statement.
In last year’s budget, government gave loans to Rwandair to purchase planes. The 2 Boeing aircrafts – which are the first to be owned by the national carrier, will be operational by the end of next year.
Despite the construction halting for several months till mid last year, the $240million Kigali International Convention Complex is headed for completion on time in two years - with just government and the Rwanda Investment Group (RIG), as joint owners.
The IMF says the government made the best investment in venturing the two strategic investment projects.
According to The Fund in a policy statement released on Thursday, The authorities conducted feasibility studies, with assistance from international consultants, which showed that these projects are expected to have rates of return above financing costs.
The Rwanda Investment Group (RIG) and National Social Security Fund (NSSF) will have 51 percent stake of the Kigali International Convention Complex – with the remaining 49 percent being for government.
Billed as the biggest in the region, the Complex will have a capacity of some 2600 delegates. It will also have dozens of businesses complexes and shopping malls.
Ends
Mutesi Théopiste
Wednesday, July 7, 2010
Rwanda cargo planes remain banned in European airspace
Kigali: Silverback Cargo Freighters from Rwanda will continue not to be allowed in the airspace of the European Union for air safety reasons, the European Commission announced Tuesday.
In the updated list released Tuesday of carries banned from European airspace, the EC said all planes of Silverback Cargo Freighters are not permitted there. Silverback deals with only cargo and was first put on the list last year.
"We cannot afford to compromise on air safety," said Siim Kallas, the commission's vice president, in a statement Tuesday.
Silveback is not allowed in Europe
In April, the African Airlines Association (AFRAA) angrily criticized the European Commission’s safety ban. AFRAA claimed the blacklist at the time, which effectively excludes 111 African airlines from European Union airspace, is protectionist.
In a strongly worded statement, AFRAA secretary general Nick Fadugba said: “The ulitimate beneficiaries of the ban are European airlines which dominate the African skies to the disadvantage of African carriers. If any list is to be published, it should be done by ICAO, the global regulator of aviation safety, which has a known track record of impartiality.”
Two other carriers that are banned from operating in the European Union: Ariana Afghan Airlines from Afghanistan and Siem reap Airways International from Cambodia.
On the new blacklist for Tuesday, the European Commission expanded restrictions on Iran Air's operations by banning more types of aircraft. The commission banned Iran Air from flying its fleet of Airbus A-320 and of Boeing B-727 and B-747 planes into European airports.
The EC said it would continue to monitor Iran Air and work with the airline to improve standards.
All carriers from 17 countries -- 278 companies in total -- are also banned: Angola, Benin, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon (except three carriers with restrictions), Indonesia (except six carriers from which the restrictions have been fully removed), Kazakhstan (except one restricted carrier), Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, Philippines, Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Sao Tome and Principe, Sudan, Swaziland and Zambia.
In the updated list released Tuesday of carries banned from European airspace, the EC said all planes of Silverback Cargo Freighters are not permitted there. Silverback deals with only cargo and was first put on the list last year.
"We cannot afford to compromise on air safety," said Siim Kallas, the commission's vice president, in a statement Tuesday.
Silveback is not allowed in Europe
In April, the African Airlines Association (AFRAA) angrily criticized the European Commission’s safety ban. AFRAA claimed the blacklist at the time, which effectively excludes 111 African airlines from European Union airspace, is protectionist.
In a strongly worded statement, AFRAA secretary general Nick Fadugba said: “The ulitimate beneficiaries of the ban are European airlines which dominate the African skies to the disadvantage of African carriers. If any list is to be published, it should be done by ICAO, the global regulator of aviation safety, which has a known track record of impartiality.”
Two other carriers that are banned from operating in the European Union: Ariana Afghan Airlines from Afghanistan and Siem reap Airways International from Cambodia.
On the new blacklist for Tuesday, the European Commission expanded restrictions on Iran Air's operations by banning more types of aircraft. The commission banned Iran Air from flying its fleet of Airbus A-320 and of Boeing B-727 and B-747 planes into European airports.
The EC said it would continue to monitor Iran Air and work with the airline to improve standards.
All carriers from 17 countries -- 278 companies in total -- are also banned: Angola, Benin, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon (except three carriers with restrictions), Indonesia (except six carriers from which the restrictions have been fully removed), Kazakhstan (except one restricted carrier), Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, Philippines, Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Sao Tome and Principe, Sudan, Swaziland and Zambia.
François Mitterrand's role in Tutsi Genocide revealed
Wednesday, 07 July 2010 11:19 by RNA Reporter
Paris: The former French president François Mitterrand supported the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi despite clear warnings that mass killings of the Tutsi population were being orchestrated, according to declassified French documents.
The publication of the documents in Le Monde newspaper of Saturday for the first time confirms long-held suspicions against France. The previously secret diplomatic telegrams and government memos also suggest the late French president was obsessed with the danger of "Anglo-Saxon" influence gripping Rwanda.
In three months from April 1994, at least a million Rwandans - mainly Tutsis - were systematically slaughtered in killings engineered by the Hutu regime to exterminate its ethnic rivals and repel the Uganda-trained Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).
The documents, obtained by lawyers for six Tutsi survivors who are bringing a case against France for "complicity with genocide'' at the Paris Army Tribunal, suggest the late President Mitterrand's support for the Hutus was informed by an obsession with maintaining a French foothold in the region.
One of the lawyers, Antoine Compte, said France was aware of the potential danger of its support for the pre-genocide Rwandan government. "Massacres on an ethnic basis were going on and we have evidence that France knew this from at least January 1993. The French military executed the orders of French politicians. The motivation was an obsession with the idea of an Anglo-Saxon plot to oust France from the region."
Mr Compte said the file of diplomatic messages and initialled presidential memos, obtained from the François Mitterrand Foundation, provided evidence that the French military in Rwanda were under direct instruction from the Elysée Palace. The lawyer yesterday called on the investigating judge at the Paris Army Tribunal to interview senior French political figures, including military figures, diplomats, the former defence minister, Pierre Joxe and former prime minister, Alain Juppé.
"It emerges quite clearly from the documents that diplomats, the French secret services, military figures and Mr Joxe wanted France to disengage from Rwanda, or at least to act differently. But the president was obsessed,'' said Mr Compte.
Among the evidence to suggest France was informed of the mounting genocide is a diplomatic telegram from October 1990 in which the French defence attaché in the Rwandan capital Kigali alerts Paris of the "growing number of arbitrary arrests of Tutsis or people close to them". The cable adds: "It is to be feared that [it could] degenerate into an ethnic war.''
Another diplomatic memo, sent by French ambassador Georges Martres on 19 January 1993, quotes a Rwandan informant as saying that the president of the country, Juvenal Habyarimana, had suggested "proceeding with a systematic genocide using, if necessary, the army''.
Habyarimana was killed on 6 April 1994 - the date that marks the start of the genocide - when his plane was shot down over Kigali.
Even though Rwanda was Belgian for most of the colonial era, France took a strong interest in the country after independence, seeing it as a bulwark against the powerful influences of English-speaking Uganda and Kenya.
In the 1980s, French involvement in Rwanda was limited to two dozen military advisers. But when the Uganda-based RPF began launching attacks against President Habyarimana's regime in 1990, France sent arms and troops. Critics claim French troops stood by and watched as ethnic extremist soldiers massacred Tutsi civilians.
France claims its military involvement was aimed at aiding Hutu-Tutsi power-sharing. Last year, a French investigating magistrate, Jean-Louis Bruguière alleged the RPF shot down Habyarimana's aircraft and issued arrest warrants against nine high-ranking officials in the current Rwandan government.
With additional reporting from The Independent
Paris: The former French president François Mitterrand supported the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi despite clear warnings that mass killings of the Tutsi population were being orchestrated, according to declassified French documents.
The publication of the documents in Le Monde newspaper of Saturday for the first time confirms long-held suspicions against France. The previously secret diplomatic telegrams and government memos also suggest the late French president was obsessed with the danger of "Anglo-Saxon" influence gripping Rwanda.
In three months from April 1994, at least a million Rwandans - mainly Tutsis - were systematically slaughtered in killings engineered by the Hutu regime to exterminate its ethnic rivals and repel the Uganda-trained Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).
The documents, obtained by lawyers for six Tutsi survivors who are bringing a case against France for "complicity with genocide'' at the Paris Army Tribunal, suggest the late President Mitterrand's support for the Hutus was informed by an obsession with maintaining a French foothold in the region.
One of the lawyers, Antoine Compte, said France was aware of the potential danger of its support for the pre-genocide Rwandan government. "Massacres on an ethnic basis were going on and we have evidence that France knew this from at least January 1993. The French military executed the orders of French politicians. The motivation was an obsession with the idea of an Anglo-Saxon plot to oust France from the region."
Mr Compte said the file of diplomatic messages and initialled presidential memos, obtained from the François Mitterrand Foundation, provided evidence that the French military in Rwanda were under direct instruction from the Elysée Palace. The lawyer yesterday called on the investigating judge at the Paris Army Tribunal to interview senior French political figures, including military figures, diplomats, the former defence minister, Pierre Joxe and former prime minister, Alain Juppé.
"It emerges quite clearly from the documents that diplomats, the French secret services, military figures and Mr Joxe wanted France to disengage from Rwanda, or at least to act differently. But the president was obsessed,'' said Mr Compte.
Among the evidence to suggest France was informed of the mounting genocide is a diplomatic telegram from October 1990 in which the French defence attaché in the Rwandan capital Kigali alerts Paris of the "growing number of arbitrary arrests of Tutsis or people close to them". The cable adds: "It is to be feared that [it could] degenerate into an ethnic war.''
Another diplomatic memo, sent by French ambassador Georges Martres on 19 January 1993, quotes a Rwandan informant as saying that the president of the country, Juvenal Habyarimana, had suggested "proceeding with a systematic genocide using, if necessary, the army''.
Habyarimana was killed on 6 April 1994 - the date that marks the start of the genocide - when his plane was shot down over Kigali.
Even though Rwanda was Belgian for most of the colonial era, France took a strong interest in the country after independence, seeing it as a bulwark against the powerful influences of English-speaking Uganda and Kenya.
In the 1980s, French involvement in Rwanda was limited to two dozen military advisers. But when the Uganda-based RPF began launching attacks against President Habyarimana's regime in 1990, France sent arms and troops. Critics claim French troops stood by and watched as ethnic extremist soldiers massacred Tutsi civilians.
France claims its military involvement was aimed at aiding Hutu-Tutsi power-sharing. Last year, a French investigating magistrate, Jean-Louis Bruguière alleged the RPF shot down Habyarimana's aircraft and issued arrest warrants against nine high-ranking officials in the current Rwandan government.
With additional reporting from The Independent
LE PROCES DE NTAGANDA BERNARD OUVERT AU TRIBUNAL DE GRANDE INSTANCE DE NYARUGENGE
Le Tribunal de grande Instance de NYARUGENGE a ouvert ce mardi le procès de Bernard NTAGANDA du parti PS IMBERAKURI et ses 9 coaccusés. Ils sont tous poursuivis pour avoir porté atteinte à l’ordre et la sécurité publics.
Bernard NTAGANDA de la formation politique et ses 9 compagnons ont été arrêtés le 24 juin dernier alors qu’ils étaient à la tête de manifestations non autorisées et dont l’objectif était de crier au secours et de montrer à la communauté internationale qu’il n’y a pas de démocratie au Rwanda, et de blâmer les élections présidentielles prévues en août prochain.
Bernard NTAGANDA est accusé de quatre crimes dont la formation d’un groupe de malfaiteurs, de porter atteint à la stabilité nationale, de conspiration entre le parti PS IMBERAKURI et d’autres partis non reconnus au Rwanda en l’occurrence FDU INKINGI de Victoire INGABIRE et Green Party de Frank HABINEZA.
Bernard NTAGANDA est en outre accusé de langage agressif, accusant par exemple les juridictions Gacaca de jungle d’extrémistes fondant leur jugement sur la morphologie physique de l’accusé. Parlant des élections, il a affirmé que sa victoire est « cash » mais que son échec sera « catch » pour dire que son échec entrainerait une guerre.
Bernard NTAGANDA a plaidé non coupable de toutes ces charges qui pèsent sur lui .Il avait auparavant clamé que le Tribunal de Grande Instance de NYARUGENGE n’était pas compétente pour mener son procès, lui qui est politicien, mais que son affaire concernait plutôt la Haute Cour de la République mais là encore sur la demande du Senat.
Il lui a été signifié qu’hormis les 5 premières grandes autorités du pays tous les autres comparaissent devant les juridictions ordinaires
Ce procès a été ajourné pour se poursuivre ce mercredI.
Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Abanyamakuru barasabwa kubanza kwiyumva nk'abanyarwanda mbere yuko biyumva nk'abanyamakuru
Abanyamakuru bo mu Rwanda barasabwa by’umwihariko kubanza kwiyumva nk’abanyarwanda bagamije kubaka igihugu mbere y'uko biyumva nk’abanyamakuru bakorera inyungu z’igitangazamakuru runaka, birinda kubogama mu kazi kabo, bagafasha umuturage gusobanukirwa no gusesengura gahunda zizatangwa n’abakandida prezida batandukanye mu bihe by’amatora y’umukuru w’igihugu ateganyijwe muri Kanama muri uyu mwaka.
Ubu ni bumwe mu butumwa bwatanzwe n’abayobozi bahagarariye inzego zitandukanye z’itangazamakuru nk’ikigo cy’igihugu cy’itangazamakuru ORINFOR, inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru, HCM na ministere y’itangazamakuru MININFOR, mu kiganiro cyatambutse kuri uyu wa 2 kuri Radio na televiziyo by’igihugu ku bijyanye n’ubwisanzure bw’itangazamakuru nyuma y’imyaka 16 ishize abanyarwanda bibohoye ubutegetsi bw’igitugu n’ivanguramoko ndetse no ku bijyanye n’uruhare rw’itangazamakuru.
Abatumirwa bari bahagarariye izo nzego z’itangazamakuru barimo Ignatius Kabagambe, Willy Rukundo na Patrice Mulama. Aba bayobozi bagarutse ku mateka yaranze umwuga w’itangazamakuru muri iyi myaka 16 ishize, aho bagaragaje ko hari byinshi byakozwe mu kuvugurura no guteza imbere uyu mwuga, birimo nk’ishyirwaho rya radio z’abaturage zikorera mu ntara ariko zishamikiye kuri Radio rwanda, radio z’ubucuruzi n’iz’abihayimana. Hashyizweho kandi amategeko n’amahame agenga umwuga w’itangazamakuru mu Rwanda, ndetse n’amashuri makuru yihariye yigisha uyu mwuga, akanahugura abanyamakuru, hamwe n’ikoreshwa ry’ikoranabuhanga mu itangazamakuru mu gufata no gusakaza amajwi n’amashusho, hifashishijwe internet, telephone, n’ibindi bikoresho.
Indi ngingo yaganiriweho n’ijyanye n’uburyo itangazamakuru mu Rwanda rikwiye kwitwara muri ibi bihe twitegura amatora y’umukuru w’igihugu. Umunyamabanga nshingwabikorwa w’inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru Patrice Mulama yavuze ko umunyamakuru akwiye gukurikiza indangagaciro zo kuvugisha ukuri, kumenya sosiyete arimo akorera, ibyifuzo byayo n’akamaro k’ibyo abagezaho ndetse no kudatega ibihembo ku kazi akora kuko ariho hava ruswa no kubogama.
Abaturage bakurikiranye iki kiganiro, bahawe umwanya babaza ibibazo. Hari nk’uwabajije niba hari ibihano biteganyijwe itangazamakuru ryigenga rizakira abanyapolitike basebanya mu gihe cyo kwiyamamaza mu matora twimirije imbere. Aha Patrice Mulama yavuze ko ari inshingano z’abayobozi b’ibitangazamakuru kubanza kumenyesha abanyapolitike ibyo amategeko abahera uburenganzira n’ibyo ababuza.
Hari n’undi muturage wabajije niba bishoboka ko itangazamakuru ryo mu Rwanda ritegura ibiganiro mpaka hagati y’abakandida b’imitwe ya politike itandukanye mu gihe bicaranye ku meza amwe. Kuri iki kibazo, Patrice Mulama yavuze ko hashingiwe ku mategeko agenga itangazamakuru mu Rwanda ngo ibi biganiro mpaka biremewe, ariko ibi biva ngo ku bakandida ubwabo, basaba igitangazamakuru runaka nacyo kibifitiye ubushobozi, ko cyabategurira gahunda y’ibiganiro mpaka.
Umuyobozi mukuru muri Ministere y’itangazamakuru Ignatius Kabagambe nawe yashimangiye ko ibiganiro mpaka nkibi, bitegurwa bishingiye ku bwumvikane hagati y’abakandida n’imitwe ya politike ndetse bikaba n’umwanya wo kugaragariza abaturage bazabatora imigabo n’imigambi bafitiye igihugu.
Ku ruhande rwa ORINFOR, umuyobozi w’icyo kigo Willy Rukundo yavuze ko hashingiwe ku bumenyi n’amahugurwa yahawe abanyamakuru ku bijyanye n’igikorwa cy’amatora, ngo hari uburyo iki kigo giteganya guteguramo ibiganiro nkibi. Willy Rukundo yasobanuye ko ibiganiro mpaka bizajya bitegurwa hagati y’umukandida umwe n’umunyamakuru ufite ubushobozi n’ubuhanga bwo gusesengura manifesto bityo ashobore kubaza ibibazo wa muturage uzatora yakabaye yibariza uwo mukandida.
Aba batumirwa basoje iki kiganiro, basaba abanyamakuru kubanza kwiyumva nk’abanyarwanda bagamije kubaka igihugu mbere yuko biyumva nk’abanyamakuru bakorera inyungu z’igitangazamakuru runaka, basaba n’abaturage kudatinya umunyamakuru ahubwo bakamufata nk’umuyoboro banyuzamo ibibazo bakanaboneramo ibisubizo.
Ubu ni bumwe mu butumwa bwatanzwe n’abayobozi bahagarariye inzego zitandukanye z’itangazamakuru nk’ikigo cy’igihugu cy’itangazamakuru ORINFOR, inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru, HCM na ministere y’itangazamakuru MININFOR, mu kiganiro cyatambutse kuri uyu wa 2 kuri Radio na televiziyo by’igihugu ku bijyanye n’ubwisanzure bw’itangazamakuru nyuma y’imyaka 16 ishize abanyarwanda bibohoye ubutegetsi bw’igitugu n’ivanguramoko ndetse no ku bijyanye n’uruhare rw’itangazamakuru.
Abatumirwa bari bahagarariye izo nzego z’itangazamakuru barimo Ignatius Kabagambe, Willy Rukundo na Patrice Mulama. Aba bayobozi bagarutse ku mateka yaranze umwuga w’itangazamakuru muri iyi myaka 16 ishize, aho bagaragaje ko hari byinshi byakozwe mu kuvugurura no guteza imbere uyu mwuga, birimo nk’ishyirwaho rya radio z’abaturage zikorera mu ntara ariko zishamikiye kuri Radio rwanda, radio z’ubucuruzi n’iz’abihayimana. Hashyizweho kandi amategeko n’amahame agenga umwuga w’itangazamakuru mu Rwanda, ndetse n’amashuri makuru yihariye yigisha uyu mwuga, akanahugura abanyamakuru, hamwe n’ikoreshwa ry’ikoranabuhanga mu itangazamakuru mu gufata no gusakaza amajwi n’amashusho, hifashishijwe internet, telephone, n’ibindi bikoresho.
Indi ngingo yaganiriweho n’ijyanye n’uburyo itangazamakuru mu Rwanda rikwiye kwitwara muri ibi bihe twitegura amatora y’umukuru w’igihugu. Umunyamabanga nshingwabikorwa w’inama nkuru y’itangazamakuru Patrice Mulama yavuze ko umunyamakuru akwiye gukurikiza indangagaciro zo kuvugisha ukuri, kumenya sosiyete arimo akorera, ibyifuzo byayo n’akamaro k’ibyo abagezaho ndetse no kudatega ibihembo ku kazi akora kuko ariho hava ruswa no kubogama.
Abaturage bakurikiranye iki kiganiro, bahawe umwanya babaza ibibazo. Hari nk’uwabajije niba hari ibihano biteganyijwe itangazamakuru ryigenga rizakira abanyapolitike basebanya mu gihe cyo kwiyamamaza mu matora twimirije imbere. Aha Patrice Mulama yavuze ko ari inshingano z’abayobozi b’ibitangazamakuru kubanza kumenyesha abanyapolitike ibyo amategeko abahera uburenganzira n’ibyo ababuza.
Hari n’undi muturage wabajije niba bishoboka ko itangazamakuru ryo mu Rwanda ritegura ibiganiro mpaka hagati y’abakandida b’imitwe ya politike itandukanye mu gihe bicaranye ku meza amwe. Kuri iki kibazo, Patrice Mulama yavuze ko hashingiwe ku mategeko agenga itangazamakuru mu Rwanda ngo ibi biganiro mpaka biremewe, ariko ibi biva ngo ku bakandida ubwabo, basaba igitangazamakuru runaka nacyo kibifitiye ubushobozi, ko cyabategurira gahunda y’ibiganiro mpaka.
Umuyobozi mukuru muri Ministere y’itangazamakuru Ignatius Kabagambe nawe yashimangiye ko ibiganiro mpaka nkibi, bitegurwa bishingiye ku bwumvikane hagati y’abakandida n’imitwe ya politike ndetse bikaba n’umwanya wo kugaragariza abaturage bazabatora imigabo n’imigambi bafitiye igihugu.
Ku ruhande rwa ORINFOR, umuyobozi w’icyo kigo Willy Rukundo yavuze ko hashingiwe ku bumenyi n’amahugurwa yahawe abanyamakuru ku bijyanye n’igikorwa cy’amatora, ngo hari uburyo iki kigo giteganya guteguramo ibiganiro nkibi. Willy Rukundo yasobanuye ko ibiganiro mpaka bizajya bitegurwa hagati y’umukandida umwe n’umunyamakuru ufite ubushobozi n’ubuhanga bwo gusesengura manifesto bityo ashobore kubaza ibibazo wa muturage uzatora yakabaye yibariza uwo mukandida.
Aba batumirwa basoje iki kiganiro, basaba abanyamakuru kubanza kwiyumva nk’abanyarwanda bagamije kubaka igihugu mbere yuko biyumva nk’abanyamakuru bakorera inyungu z’igitangazamakuru runaka, basaba n’abaturage kudatinya umunyamakuru ahubwo bakamufata nk’umuyoboro banyuzamo ibibazo bakanaboneramo ibisubizo.
Civilian - military partnership vital for development - Kagame
MUHANGA - President Paul Kagame, has applauded the collaboration between the army and other citizens in various socio-economic activities that have boosted the welfare of the Rwandan people.
Kagame, made the remarks, yesterday, after inspecting works carried out by the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF) in Muhanga District, during the ongoing Army Week.
While addressing thousands of excited residents of Muhanga, the President said that the army would not have succeeded in carrying out the work, had it not been for the good partnership with the people.
He reminded the residents that soldiers are their children, relatives, parents and friends, adding that being soldiers does not place them out of the community.
The President pointed out that it should not come as a surprise for the army to partner with the communities, since it’s their obligation to work for Rwandans.
He stressed that the military should go beyond its primary mission and use the professional skills of its members to contribute to national development.
Kagame underscored the need for sustainable development in the country, and reminded the citizens that, one of the ways of realizing development is by embracing partnerships and having a clear understanding of the policies in place.
The President added that the Rwandan people should be fed-up with living in poverty, famine and illiteracy. He pointed out that Rwanda has been getting aid for many years, and wondered why they continued to live in poverty, if aid worked.
President Kagame noted that Rwandans have now realized that their role in development is critically important for their welfare.
He observed that partnership and self confidence is equally a vital path to development.
The President told Muhanga residents that Rwandans are increasingly acquiring life skills that are helping them achieve development and better standards of living.
President Kagame emphasized that Rwanda will not fail to achieve what is good for its people, adding that Rwandans cannot allow anybody to destroy what they have already realized.
Prior to his meeting with residents of Muhanga, the President was taken through RDF community outreach programmes, at Kabgayi Hospital, where hundreds have been treated during the Army Week. Patients at the hospital gave various testimonies of how the army’s medical activities have changed their lives.
Venancia Singirankabo, who has been blind for the past ten years could not hold her excitement on seeing President Kagame for the first time.
“I want to thank you for having sent us the army to help us; I personally had no hope of opening my eyes. Thank you for rescuing me,” Singirankabo told the President.
Residents hailed President Kagame for his good leadership and for transforming the Rwandan society for the better.
The Governor of the Southern Province, Fidèle Ndayisaba, informed the President that the army week activities have played a significant role in eliminating grass thatched houses, which have been a major problem in the province.
Ends
Friday, July 2, 2010
Ubutaka mu Rwanda
Ikibazo cy’amasambu mu Burasirazuba.
Mu ntangiriro z’umwaka ushize wa 2009, Perezida wa Repubulika Paul Kagame yasuye Intara y’Iburasirazuba mu Karere ka Nyagatare, Gatsibo aho yari yagiye gutangiza ibikorwa by’iterambere no kuganira n’abaturage muri iyo Ntara yose. Yagiranye ikiganiro n’abayobozi bose b’Intara n’inararibonye zabo. Ariko igihe cyose umuntu yasabaga ijambo, yavugaga ku masambu, cyane ko hari abantu benshi barimo n’abayobozi bari bafite amasambu manini cyane, bamwe bayabonye mu buryo budasobanutse, hari n’abari barikatiye amasambu y’ikirenga mu butaka bwahoze ari Parike y’Akagera. Ibibazo byari bimaze igihe kirekire kandi abayobozi b’intara bari barananiwe kurangiza icyo kibazo kubera imiterere yacyo. Ikibazo ahanini cyatewe n'Abasirikare bakuru ndetse n'abategetsi bagize ubwikanyize mu kwigwizaho imitungo bitari bikwiye.
Muri icyo gihe Perezida wa Repubulika Paul Kagame yabwiye abayobozi b’iyo Ntara ko ashaka ko icyo kibazo gikemuka vuba, abafite amasambu manini bakayasaranganya n’abandi batayagira. Icyo gihe na none yabwiye abaturage b’Intara y’Iburasirazuba ko « n’ubwo abantu bakomeje gukoza intoki muri icyo kibazo zigashya », ati «Njyewe mfite intoki zidashya kuko zirarinzwe, nzaza nicare muri iyi ntara nzahava ikibazo narangije kugikemura ». Aha yashakaga kwerekana ko we adatinya abo basirikare bigize indakoreka. Ariko se koko birashoboka ko abasore n'abagabo bafashe iya mbere mu kurwanya akarengane aribo bakwiye kwongera kugatera no kugateza? Ibyo se bikorwa banyakubahwa bareba hehe?
Nyuma y’igihe gito, Perezida yashyizeho Komisiyo ihuriweho n’inzego z’Intara, Minisiteri y’Ubutaka n’Ingabo z’u Rwanda. Iyo Komisiyo abaturage bayibatije izina ko ari « Komisiyo ya Gen. Ibingira Fred », kubera ko ari we wari uyikuriye. Yaramanutse n’ingabo yari ayoboye, bose bari bitwaje ibyuma kabuhariwe bipima ubutaka byitwa « GPS » abaturage bahise babihimba izina rya « Gipesu ». Hari hitezwe ko moneto ikibazo kibonewe muti. Aho Icyizere nticyari buzaze curata amasinde? Iyo Komisiyo ya Ibingira yifashishije inzego z’ibanze bakora urutonde rw’abantu bose bafite amasambu manini, n’abandi bafite amasambu menshi arenze imwe. Gusa abenshi bari abasirikare bakuru kandi banayabonye mu buryo bw'uburiganya, bamwe bayaguze make abandi bayabona babanje guharabika abari bayasanganywe barayabambura. MByafashe umwaka urenga ngo Gen. Ibingira n’abo yari ayoboye batange raporo y’ubutaka bapimye n’umubare w’abantu bafite ubutaka bwinshi burenze hegitari 25. Inzego za Leta zaraganiriye zemeranya ko nta muntu w’umworozi ugomba gutunga ubutaka burenze hegitari 25, abahinzi nabo nta muhinzi ugomba kurenza hegitari ebyiri, keretse ugaragaje ko yakoze ibikorwa byiza by’ishoramari bifitiye abaturage akamaro. Ibyo byose byakozwe mu rwego rwo kurengera Abanyarwanda bose no kubafasha kurushaho kugira uburenganzira bungana.
Ibyo byasabye ko Perezida wa Repubulika Paul Kagame ahagurukira iki kibazo cy’amasambu atangira kuyasaranganya, abari bafite manini n’abatagiraga isambu na busa. Ku isonga abasaranganyije mu Karere ka Nyagatare barimo Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa ubu ni Ambasaderi mu gihugu cy’Ubuhinde, Senateri Col.Karemera Joseph na Gen. Frank Mugambage, Umujyanama wa Perezida wa Repubulika. Abo bose buri wese yasigaranye hegitari 25 izindi zasaranganyijwe abandi baturage. Mu kwezi kwakurikiyeho, hasaranganyijwe na none isambu ya Gen. Nyamwasa yahawe abaturage. Indi sambu yasaranganyijwe kuri uwo munsi ni iya Gen. Ibingira wari ayoboye iyo Komisiyo yo gupima amasambu yasigiwe hegitari 25.
Abandi bakurikiyeho ni Minisitiri Musoni Protais, Col. Sam Kaka, Gen. Rusagara Frank, Gen. Charles Kayonga, Gen. Charles Muhire, Guverineri Mutsindashyaka Théoneste na Minisitiri Hajabakiga Patricie n’abandi benshi. Icyagaragaye muri rusange ni uko abaturage benshi batari bafite ubutaka bwo guhingamo no kororeramo inka zabo.
Ikibazo nticyakemutse burundu kuko abanyarwanda biyongera ku kigero cya 10% nah ubutaka two budakura. Gusa nta wabura kwibaza aho uRwanda rwaba rugan aniba hari abayobozi bakuru bashaka gukandamiza abo bakwiye kurenganura bigwizaho imitungo itari iyabo, cyangwa bakitwaza icyo bari cyo ngo bigwizeho indonke.
by Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Mu ntangiriro z’umwaka ushize wa 2009, Perezida wa Repubulika Paul Kagame yasuye Intara y’Iburasirazuba mu Karere ka Nyagatare, Gatsibo aho yari yagiye gutangiza ibikorwa by’iterambere no kuganira n’abaturage muri iyo Ntara yose. Yagiranye ikiganiro n’abayobozi bose b’Intara n’inararibonye zabo. Ariko igihe cyose umuntu yasabaga ijambo, yavugaga ku masambu, cyane ko hari abantu benshi barimo n’abayobozi bari bafite amasambu manini cyane, bamwe bayabonye mu buryo budasobanutse, hari n’abari barikatiye amasambu y’ikirenga mu butaka bwahoze ari Parike y’Akagera. Ibibazo byari bimaze igihe kirekire kandi abayobozi b’intara bari barananiwe kurangiza icyo kibazo kubera imiterere yacyo. Ikibazo ahanini cyatewe n'Abasirikare bakuru ndetse n'abategetsi bagize ubwikanyize mu kwigwizaho imitungo bitari bikwiye.
Muri icyo gihe Perezida wa Repubulika Paul Kagame yabwiye abayobozi b’iyo Ntara ko ashaka ko icyo kibazo gikemuka vuba, abafite amasambu manini bakayasaranganya n’abandi batayagira. Icyo gihe na none yabwiye abaturage b’Intara y’Iburasirazuba ko « n’ubwo abantu bakomeje gukoza intoki muri icyo kibazo zigashya », ati «Njyewe mfite intoki zidashya kuko zirarinzwe, nzaza nicare muri iyi ntara nzahava ikibazo narangije kugikemura ». Aha yashakaga kwerekana ko we adatinya abo basirikare bigize indakoreka. Ariko se koko birashoboka ko abasore n'abagabo bafashe iya mbere mu kurwanya akarengane aribo bakwiye kwongera kugatera no kugateza? Ibyo se bikorwa banyakubahwa bareba hehe?
Nyuma y’igihe gito, Perezida yashyizeho Komisiyo ihuriweho n’inzego z’Intara, Minisiteri y’Ubutaka n’Ingabo z’u Rwanda. Iyo Komisiyo abaturage bayibatije izina ko ari « Komisiyo ya Gen. Ibingira Fred », kubera ko ari we wari uyikuriye. Yaramanutse n’ingabo yari ayoboye, bose bari bitwaje ibyuma kabuhariwe bipima ubutaka byitwa « GPS » abaturage bahise babihimba izina rya « Gipesu ». Hari hitezwe ko moneto ikibazo kibonewe muti. Aho Icyizere nticyari buzaze curata amasinde? Iyo Komisiyo ya Ibingira yifashishije inzego z’ibanze bakora urutonde rw’abantu bose bafite amasambu manini, n’abandi bafite amasambu menshi arenze imwe. Gusa abenshi bari abasirikare bakuru kandi banayabonye mu buryo bw'uburiganya, bamwe bayaguze make abandi bayabona babanje guharabika abari bayasanganywe barayabambura. MByafashe umwaka urenga ngo Gen. Ibingira n’abo yari ayoboye batange raporo y’ubutaka bapimye n’umubare w’abantu bafite ubutaka bwinshi burenze hegitari 25. Inzego za Leta zaraganiriye zemeranya ko nta muntu w’umworozi ugomba gutunga ubutaka burenze hegitari 25, abahinzi nabo nta muhinzi ugomba kurenza hegitari ebyiri, keretse ugaragaje ko yakoze ibikorwa byiza by’ishoramari bifitiye abaturage akamaro. Ibyo byose byakozwe mu rwego rwo kurengera Abanyarwanda bose no kubafasha kurushaho kugira uburenganzira bungana.
Ibyo byasabye ko Perezida wa Repubulika Paul Kagame ahagurukira iki kibazo cy’amasambu atangira kuyasaranganya, abari bafite manini n’abatagiraga isambu na busa. Ku isonga abasaranganyije mu Karere ka Nyagatare barimo Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa ubu ni Ambasaderi mu gihugu cy’Ubuhinde, Senateri Col.Karemera Joseph na Gen. Frank Mugambage, Umujyanama wa Perezida wa Repubulika. Abo bose buri wese yasigaranye hegitari 25 izindi zasaranganyijwe abandi baturage. Mu kwezi kwakurikiyeho, hasaranganyijwe na none isambu ya Gen. Nyamwasa yahawe abaturage. Indi sambu yasaranganyijwe kuri uwo munsi ni iya Gen. Ibingira wari ayoboye iyo Komisiyo yo gupima amasambu yasigiwe hegitari 25.
Abandi bakurikiyeho ni Minisitiri Musoni Protais, Col. Sam Kaka, Gen. Rusagara Frank, Gen. Charles Kayonga, Gen. Charles Muhire, Guverineri Mutsindashyaka Théoneste na Minisitiri Hajabakiga Patricie n’abandi benshi. Icyagaragaye muri rusange ni uko abaturage benshi batari bafite ubutaka bwo guhingamo no kororeramo inka zabo.
Ikibazo nticyakemutse burundu kuko abanyarwanda biyongera ku kigero cya 10% nah ubutaka two budakura. Gusa nta wabura kwibaza aho uRwanda rwaba rugan aniba hari abayobozi bakuru bashaka gukandamiza abo bakwiye kurenganura bigwizaho imitungo itari iyabo, cyangwa bakitwaza icyo bari cyo ngo bigwizeho indonke.
by Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Monday, June 28, 2010
Where is Justice? Genocide Survivors alarming
By Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
On a warm sunny day, I arrive in Gakoni sector, Kiramuruzi district in the Eastern Province, well equipped to find out how the survivors and perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide are coping up. The area, though typical of Rwanda’s hilly topography, is not made up of very steep hills.
They are generally undulating and gently rolling plains in others. Gilbert Karimunda runs a small shop. He looks a grown up man but not very old, with dotted splashes of grey hair scattered over his head. He wears a constant warm smile. I go close to him; introduce my self and business unusual gets underway. Karimunda is a genocide survivor from the nearby school; he tells a story of how the genocide occurred, and, twelve years after, the developments and challenges on the ground.
He tells his tale thus;
In April 1994, Jean Baptiste Gatete, the then mayor of Murambi District, promised protection to the Tutsi of the area if they gathered at that school. About forty thousand of them sought shelter and in the course of just four days, they were all massacred. Their bodies were thrown into pits and covered with lime.
Karimunda--a tall majestically looking man points in the direction of the school and says that he is one of the only four survivors of the massacre. He has a big scar at his forehead where a bullet ripped off the skin.
Karimunda tells his story of Rwanda with deep pain. He remembers the early days of the Genocide when he travelled from Murambi to Kigali, “when I reached Kigali, I found out that the presidential guard had just initiated a campaign of retribution, which was after the death of Habyarimana. Leaders of the political opposition were murdered, and almost immediately, the slaughter of Tutsis and moderate Hutus began.”
The seemingly hurt Karimunda remembers the time when, within hours, recruits were dispatched all over the country to carry out a wave of slaughter. He also remembers the organization of the genocide saying that the early organizers included military officials, politicians and businessmen, but soon many others joined in the mayhem.
He also says that when he returned home, the whole village had caught fire; there was a frenzy of people crying and a cacophony of gunfire everywhere. “I was told that Gatete was looking for me and just before my escape, they caught me and took me to the school.”
As tears well in his eyes, Karimunda says, “The story of the school is a horrific one; I will not tell you, just look at the scar, and I am one of the four people who survived.” He says as he shows me the big scar on his forehead.
After noting Karimunda’s horrendous tale, I approach another female survivor Chantal Umurungi, 54, who gives her dreadful version of the turmoil.
“I don’t want to talk about genocide. I saw the blood of my children and my husband. My daughter was raped; my husband I loved so much was terribly killed. I don’t want to spend much time talking about it.”
Umurungi also says that she still wants to live. That’s why she doesn’t want to talk much about the Genocide.
“It is difficult to forget,” says Umurungi the only survivor and a mother in a family of 10, “I keep remembering how the militias were cutting off people’s heads which usually comes in the form of nightmares.”
She also says that rape cases were sometimes followed by sexual mutilation, including mutilation of the vagina and pelvic area with machetes, knives, sticks, boiling water, and in one case, acid.
Umurungi believes that justice would help in unity and reconciliation but rather skeptical about the slow pace the process is taking.
“We feel that justice has been too slow and in some cases unfair. To us the survivors, it has been a double agony to lose our loved ones and to have no justice done.”
On a warm sunny day, I arrive in Gakoni sector, Kiramuruzi district in the Eastern Province, well equipped to find out how the survivors and perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide are coping up. The area, though typical of Rwanda’s hilly topography, is not made up of very steep hills.
They are generally undulating and gently rolling plains in others. Gilbert Karimunda runs a small shop. He looks a grown up man but not very old, with dotted splashes of grey hair scattered over his head. He wears a constant warm smile. I go close to him; introduce my self and business unusual gets underway. Karimunda is a genocide survivor from the nearby school; he tells a story of how the genocide occurred, and, twelve years after, the developments and challenges on the ground.
He tells his tale thus;
In April 1994, Jean Baptiste Gatete, the then mayor of Murambi District, promised protection to the Tutsi of the area if they gathered at that school. About forty thousand of them sought shelter and in the course of just four days, they were all massacred. Their bodies were thrown into pits and covered with lime.
Karimunda--a tall majestically looking man points in the direction of the school and says that he is one of the only four survivors of the massacre. He has a big scar at his forehead where a bullet ripped off the skin.
Karimunda tells his story of Rwanda with deep pain. He remembers the early days of the Genocide when he travelled from Murambi to Kigali, “when I reached Kigali, I found out that the presidential guard had just initiated a campaign of retribution, which was after the death of Habyarimana. Leaders of the political opposition were murdered, and almost immediately, the slaughter of Tutsis and moderate Hutus began.”
The seemingly hurt Karimunda remembers the time when, within hours, recruits were dispatched all over the country to carry out a wave of slaughter. He also remembers the organization of the genocide saying that the early organizers included military officials, politicians and businessmen, but soon many others joined in the mayhem.
He also says that when he returned home, the whole village had caught fire; there was a frenzy of people crying and a cacophony of gunfire everywhere. “I was told that Gatete was looking for me and just before my escape, they caught me and took me to the school.”
As tears well in his eyes, Karimunda says, “The story of the school is a horrific one; I will not tell you, just look at the scar, and I am one of the four people who survived.” He says as he shows me the big scar on his forehead.
After noting Karimunda’s horrendous tale, I approach another female survivor Chantal Umurungi, 54, who gives her dreadful version of the turmoil.
“I don’t want to talk about genocide. I saw the blood of my children and my husband. My daughter was raped; my husband I loved so much was terribly killed. I don’t want to spend much time talking about it.”
Umurungi also says that she still wants to live. That’s why she doesn’t want to talk much about the Genocide.
“It is difficult to forget,” says Umurungi the only survivor and a mother in a family of 10, “I keep remembering how the militias were cutting off people’s heads which usually comes in the form of nightmares.”
She also says that rape cases were sometimes followed by sexual mutilation, including mutilation of the vagina and pelvic area with machetes, knives, sticks, boiling water, and in one case, acid.
Umurungi believes that justice would help in unity and reconciliation but rather skeptical about the slow pace the process is taking.
“We feel that justice has been too slow and in some cases unfair. To us the survivors, it has been a double agony to lose our loved ones and to have no justice done.”
POLICE UPDATES ON THE KILLING OF JEAN LEONARD RUGAMBAGE
Rwanda National Police has arrested two men suspected in the killing of a local journalist Jean Leonard RUGAMBAGE that occurred on Thursday night.
Jean Leonard Rugambage returned home around 10pm on 24 June 2010. He was shot dead as he reached the gate of his residence in the Kigali suburb, Nyamirambo
The police also managed to seize a weapon (Pistol) that ought to have been used in the killing although the suspects still deny responsibility. The seized weapon from the suspect was identified to have been used in shooting and its rounds are similar to the two cartridges that were found at the scene of crime.
It has also been said that one suspect is related to a person claimed to have been killed by Leonard during 1994 Tutsi genocide implying that the killing might have been conducted as revenge. It should be noted that Jean Leonard was one of the most critical journalists in Rwanda. People wanted to silence him and allegedly accused him of genocide. This might have been another light that should lead to uncover the truth.
The two suspects are known to each other and originate from same area implying that the killing might have been planned before execution.
As earlier highlighted by the Commissioner General of Police, Rwanda National Police remains deeply concerned by the fictional accounts being peddled by individuals and groups for political gains. As law enforcement agency, RNP will continue to protect people and their properties against any threat. Investigation is still in progress and development will be communicated accordingly.
Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Jean Leonard Rugambage returned home around 10pm on 24 June 2010. He was shot dead as he reached the gate of his residence in the Kigali suburb, Nyamirambo
The police also managed to seize a weapon (Pistol) that ought to have been used in the killing although the suspects still deny responsibility. The seized weapon from the suspect was identified to have been used in shooting and its rounds are similar to the two cartridges that were found at the scene of crime.
It has also been said that one suspect is related to a person claimed to have been killed by Leonard during 1994 Tutsi genocide implying that the killing might have been conducted as revenge. It should be noted that Jean Leonard was one of the most critical journalists in Rwanda. People wanted to silence him and allegedly accused him of genocide. This might have been another light that should lead to uncover the truth.
The two suspects are known to each other and originate from same area implying that the killing might have been planned before execution.
As earlier highlighted by the Commissioner General of Police, Rwanda National Police remains deeply concerned by the fictional accounts being peddled by individuals and groups for political gains. As law enforcement agency, RNP will continue to protect people and their properties against any threat. Investigation is still in progress and development will be communicated accordingly.
Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Isabukuru y'imyaka 10 hashyizweho inzego z'inama y'igihugu y'urubyiruko
I Kigali, kuri stade Amahoro, kuri iki cyumweru habereye ibirori byo kwizihiza isabukuru y’imyaka 10 ishize hashyizweho inzego z’inama y’igihugu y’urubyiruko. Perezida wa Repubulika, Paul Kagame Kagame wari umushyitsi mukuru muri ibyo birori, yashimye ibikorwa byiza byubaka abantu kandi byubaka n’igihugu byagaragajwe na bamwe mu rubyiruko, harimo n’abahereye ku busa, bagakoresha ubwenge bwabo n’amaboko bakiteza imbere.
Ibyo birori byo kwizihiza isabukuru y’imyaka 10 inama y’igihugu y’urubyiruko imaze, byanaranzwe kandi n’imyidagaduro, abakrobate n’indirimbo z’abahanzi, abari muri stade bahagurutse babyinana n’abahanzi nyarwanda babasusurukije.
Perezida wa Repubulika, Paul Kagame, yashimiye urubyiruko ku bikorwa byiza byubaka abantu n’igihugu byagaragajwe na bamwe mu rubyiruko rwatanze ubuhamya dore ko bamwe batangiriye ku busa bakiyubaka bakoresheje ubwenge n’amaboko bakaba bamaze kugera kuri byinshi.
Umukuru w’igihugu yasobanuye ko Kubaka igihugu nk’u Rwanda rwasenyutse, rusanzwe ruri no mu bukene bitoroshye ariko ko bishoboka, abantu bahagurutse bagakora, hashingiwe kuri izo ngero.
President wa republika yasabye kandi urubyiruko ko imikorere yo guhuriza hamwe yarubera umurage ukwiriye gukomeza kubakwa, ati kandi birashoboka abizeza ko bazabibona kuko ibyiza biri imbere.
Minisitiri w’urubyiruko, Mitali Protais yavuze ko uyu munsi urubyiruko rufite umunezero wo kwitwa urubyiruko rw’u Rwanda, kubera isura nsha yahanaguye iyo rwahoranye, aho urubyiruko rwatizwaga umuhoro wo gusenya igihugu, ubu rukaba rwariyemeje kugira uruhare mu gushaka umuti w’ibibazo birwugarije. Ku kibazo cy’urubyiruko cy’ejo nzamera nte, minisitiri Mitali yavuze ko biyemeje gushyiraho uburyo bwo guhanga imirimo ibyara inyungu iginewe kongera ubushobozi bwo kugura ibintu ku masoko bagatozwa gukora ibitaboneka ahantu hose.
Umuhuzabikorwa w’inama nkuru y’urubyiruko Murenzi Janvier yagaragaze ko hashingiwe ku nshingano zahawe Inama nkuru y’urubyiruko hagezweho byinshi,harimo gushyiraho inzego uhereye mu nzego z’ibanze, ndetse n’ibikorwa by’ubukangurambaga.
Umuhuzabikorwa w’inama nkuru y’urubyiruko, Murenzi Janvier, akaba yijeje Perezida wa repubulika ko urubyiruko rutazongera gukoreshwa nk’imbaraga zisenya igihugu;kutazarangwa n’ubunebwe cyangwa gusabiriza no gusindagizwa, ngo bazahora baharanira icyagirira abanyarwanda akamaro, barwanya abashaka gusenya ibyiza bimaze kugerwaho.
Minisitiri ufite urubyiruko mu nshingano ze, Mitali Protais, yagarutse ku isabukuru y’imyaka 10 iyi nama y’igihugu urubyiruko rwongerewe ubushobozi, n’inzego ziyishimikiyeho agaragaza ko yaranzwe na n’ibikorwa ndetse n’ibiganiro hirya no hino mu gihugu mu cyo bise icyumweru cy’urubyiruko. Muri ibyo birori habayeho gutanga ubuhamya. Bamwe mu rubyiruko, bagiye, buri umwe ku giti cye, agaragaza intambwe amaze gutera mu kwiteza imbere.
Muri ibyo birori kandi hari hanatumiwe n’urubyiruko rwaturutse muri repubulika iharanira demokarasi ya kongo, u Burundi na leta z’unze ubumwe z’Amerika, rwaje kwifatanya n’urubyiruko rw’u Rwanda.
Thursday, June 24, 2010
Peacekeepers shot dead in Darfur
Unidentified assailants have killed three Rwandan peacekeepers in Sudan's Darfur region.
Monday's attack is the latest assault on members of Unamid, a joint peacekeeping mission by the UN and the African Union.
More than 20 camouflaged attackers opened fire on the soldiers as they guarded civilian engineers building a Unamid base in the mountainous Jabel Mara area, the peacekeeping force said in a statement.
A Unamid official said on condition of anonymity that three attackers were also killed in the hour-long gun battle that ensued.
Ban Ki-moon, the UN secretary-general, has called on Khartoum to arrest the attackers.
Surge in fighting
Aid workers say they have been unable to get access to large parts of eastern Jabel Mara since February, when there was a surge in fighting between Sudanese army forces and rebels.
in depth
Who are Sudan's Jem rebels?
Inside Story: Peace for Darfur?
Talk to Jazeera: Chad's president on Darfur peace
Video: Exclusive: Sudan's Jem rebels
The Unamid force, made up of mostly African soldiers and police, took over from a African Union mission. It is still short of its expected strength of 26,000 and is supposed to keep the peace in an area the size of Spain.
A total of 27 Unamid police officers and soldiers have been killed in attacks since the force came to Darfur in 2008, Unamid said.
A Unamid patrol travelling towards Jabel Mara in March was ambushed and held overnight. Five Rwandan peacekeepers were killed in two attacks in Darfur in December.
Violence flared in the mostly desert region in 2003 when rebels demanding more autonomy for the territory launched a revolt against Sudan's government.
Sudanese government troops and allied fighters launched a counter-insurgency campaign which Washington and some activists called genocide.
Khartoum dismisses the accusation and accuses the Western media of exaggerating the conflict.
Monday's attack is the latest assault on members of Unamid, a joint peacekeeping mission by the UN and the African Union.
More than 20 camouflaged attackers opened fire on the soldiers as they guarded civilian engineers building a Unamid base in the mountainous Jabel Mara area, the peacekeeping force said in a statement.
A Unamid official said on condition of anonymity that three attackers were also killed in the hour-long gun battle that ensued.
Ban Ki-moon, the UN secretary-general, has called on Khartoum to arrest the attackers.
Surge in fighting
Aid workers say they have been unable to get access to large parts of eastern Jabel Mara since February, when there was a surge in fighting between Sudanese army forces and rebels.
in depth
Who are Sudan's Jem rebels?
Inside Story: Peace for Darfur?
Talk to Jazeera: Chad's president on Darfur peace
Video: Exclusive: Sudan's Jem rebels
The Unamid force, made up of mostly African soldiers and police, took over from a African Union mission. It is still short of its expected strength of 26,000 and is supposed to keep the peace in an area the size of Spain.
A total of 27 Unamid police officers and soldiers have been killed in attacks since the force came to Darfur in 2008, Unamid said.
A Unamid patrol travelling towards Jabel Mara in March was ambushed and held overnight. Five Rwandan peacekeepers were killed in two attacks in Darfur in December.
Violence flared in the mostly desert region in 2003 when rebels demanding more autonomy for the territory launched a revolt against Sudan's government.
Sudanese government troops and allied fighters launched a counter-insurgency campaign which Washington and some activists called genocide.
Khartoum dismisses the accusation and accuses the Western media of exaggerating the conflict.
Toll rises in Congo train crash
Railway staff have worked to lift overturned train carriages in the Republic of Congo in a search for more bodies two days after a train accident killed at least 76 people.
Denis Sassou Nguesso, the Congolese president, travelled to oil hub of Pointe Noire on Wednesday to meet some of those affected by the disaster as a crisis unit reported 700 people injured.
"This morning, the new toll is 76 dead. The bodies are all at the morgue in Pointe Noire," a crisis unit official said.
Amid the stench of rotting bodies and of fish that was being transported on the train that derailed Monday evening, about 100 railway employees cleared the way for a crane to lift eight overturned carriages.
The government issued a provisional toll on Tuesday of 48 dead, with a final tally only possible after all the carriages have been cleared, and announced three days of national mourning starting on Friday.
'Overloaded train'
Witnesses said the crowded train flew off the tracks after hurtling into a bend at full speed near Yanga, about 60km east of the southern coastal city of Pointe Noire.
"First we heard what we thought was a big explosion," Fabrice Malonga, a local on the scene, said.
grim history
Congo-Ocean Railway
Built between 1921 and 1934 by French
At least 17,000 people died building the railway
The line was closed in the late 1990s during the country's civil war
At least 50 people were killed in a 2001 accident
10 died in 2003 accident when a train derailed
In 2007, about 100 people died in an accident
"I saw bodies of children, older people. The carriages were full. We took the wounded to the road to wait for help."
Some of the injured had left Point Noire hospitals by Wednesday but about 160 people remained, Simon Edika, the area's public-relations director, said.
The government has blamed the accident on the colonial-era track on excessive speed.
Joseph Sauveur El Bez, managing director of Chemin de fer Congo-Ocean (CFCO), the railway operator that runs the train, put the crash down to driver error.
But he acknowledged that the high death toll was "because the train was overloaded. There were too many passengers."
"The train was fine. The track was in good condition," he said.
Non-governmental organisation activists demanded an inquiry and accused the government of neglecting the country's infrastructure.
Past deaths
The 510km CFCO line, also known as the Congo-Ocean Railway, is the main link between the capital Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire on the Atlantic and mainly follows the Congo river.
It was built between 1921 and 1934 during French colonial rule and thousands of Africans are said to have died making the railway.
At least 50 people were killed on the same line in 2001, many of them burned to death, when two trains collided at Mvougounti, about 75km east of Pointe Noire.
In August 2007, about 100 people died when a passenger train crashed into a freight train, also at Mvougounti.
The lack of roads and the dysfunctional railway system between the main towns make travel difficult and contribute to the high cost of food and imported goods in Brazzaville and throughout neighbouring land-locked nations.
Chinese engineers started work late last year on a $500m road linking Pointe Noire with Brazzaville, a project that will involve crossing equatorial forests and steep mountains.
Congo, which has long exported millions of barrels of oil but remains mostly poor and suffers from poor infrastructure, is seeking to diversify its economy as oil reserves wind down.
Tuesday, June 22, 2010
ATTENTAT CONTRE LE GÉNÉRAL KAYUMBA : 6 SUSPECTS ARRÊTÉS EN AFRIQUE DU SUD
Par RFI
La police sud-africaine a arrêté 6 suspects après la tentative de meurtre contre l'ancien chef d'état-major rwandais, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, devenu critique virulent du régime de son pays. Selon la femme de cet ancien général, il s'agit d'une tentative d'assassinat de la part des autorités rwandaises.
Six suspects ont été arrêtés ces dernières 24 heures dans différents lieux de Johannesburg. Tous sont inculpés pour tentative de meurtre. Ils devraient bientôt comparaître devant un tribunal sud-africain.
La police assure poursuivre maintenant son travail d'enquête. Pour l'instant, les inspecteurs ne souhaitent pas communiquer sur l'origine des suspects ou leurs motifs. D'autres arrestations pourraient survenir dans les prochains jours.
En attendant, le général Kayumba, toujours hospitalisé, a été placé sous protection des forces de l'ordre. Selon ses proches, le président Kagamé souhaite la mort de son ancien chef d'état-major et le gouvernement rwandais pourrait à nouveau tenter de l'éliminer.
A Kigali, la ministre des Affaires étrangères a réagi dimanche en rejetant toute implication dans cette affaire. Le général Kayumba a fui en Afrique du Sud en février dernier, après avoir été accusé d'actes terroristes par les autorités. La police, à Johannesburg, avait alors précisé ne pas avoir arrêté l'ex-militaire, actuellement demandeur d'asile, puisqu'il n'existe pas de traité d'extradition entre l'Afrique du Sud et le Rwanda.
***************************************************
Police have arrested six suspects after an exiled Rwandan general accused of grenade attacks in his homeland was shot in South Africa over the weekend, authorities said Monday.
By LESEGO MOTSHEGWA
Associated Press Writer
JOHANNESBURG (AP) - Police have arrested six suspects after an exiled Rwandan general accused of grenade attacks in his homeland was shot in South Africa over the weekend, authorities said Monday.
Lt. General Kayumba Nyamwasa and his wife were returning to the upscale gated community where they live in northern Johannesburg when a lone gunman fired on him Saturday. Rosette Nyamwasa said her husband was shot in the stomach and would recover.
Police spokesman Govindsamy Mariemuthoo would not say whether the suspects arrested were Rwandan, nor would he discuss possible motives in what he described as a murder attempt.
Nyamwasa's wife has accused Rwandan President Paul Kagame of being behind the shooting, a charge the Rwandan government denies.
"The Government of Rwanda does not condone violence, and we wish the family strength and serenity," said government spokeswoman Louise Mushikiwabo. "We trust in the ability of South African authorities to investigate the incident thoroughly."
Nyamwasa and Kagame were once allied but have fallen out, reportedly because Kagame sees his former military chief as a political rival. Nyamwasa came to South Africa earlier this year.
Rwandan officials have accused Nyamwasa of trying to destabilize their government. The Rwandan government says it has linked Nyamwasa to three grenade attacks in Rwanda's capital Feb. 19 that killed one person and wounded 30 others.
South African police said earlier this year they had not arrested Nyamwasa because they do not have an extradition treaty with Rwanda.
Rwandan opposition leader Victoire Ingabire, who wants to challenge Kagame in the Aug. 9 presidential election, said Saturday's shooting was a "planned assassination attempt."
"This incident is a nefarious conspiracy for disruption of peace in Rwanda, a country sinking deeply into a political and military crisis," Ingabire said in a statement. "The lack of political space, the arrest of opposition leaders, lawyers and senior military officers, the use of violence and all kind of intimidation of dissenting voices are obvious signs of a country on the brink of chaos."
Ingabire was arrested in April and charged with promoting a genocidal ideology. She was freed on bail but her passport was seized and she cannot leave Kigali. Critics of Kagame's government argue the ruling party has used the concept of genocide ideology to discredit detractors and defeat political opponents.
Hutu militias killed more than 500,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Rwanda's current president, Paul Kagame, ended the killing when he led a Tutsi-dominated force into the country. Critics say his rule since then has been authoritarian but Kagame argues strict measures are necessary to prevent a repeat of the violence.
The U.S. State Department said in a March report on Rwanda that citizens' rights to change their government are "effectively restricted" and cited limits on freedoms of speech, press and judicial independence.
Nyamwasa's shooting is not the first time Rwanda has been accused of attempting to kill or killing a prominent Rwandan exile.
Former Rwandan Interior Minister Seth Sendashonga was killed in May 1998 in Nairobi, Kenya. His widow later testified that she believed Rwanda was behind her husband's killing. She claimed he had been set to testify before the U.N. International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, which is trying the suspected masterminds of the genocide.
A Kenyan judge acquitted the three suspects in Sendashonga' s killing, saying the prosecution failed to prove beyond reasonable doubt that they committed the crime. The judge went further to say that the Rwandan government's refusal to waive diplomatic immunity for some of its embassy officials suggested that there was a political motive behind the killing.
La police sud-africaine a arrêté 6 suspects après la tentative de meurtre contre l'ancien chef d'état-major rwandais, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, devenu critique virulent du régime de son pays. Selon la femme de cet ancien général, il s'agit d'une tentative d'assassinat de la part des autorités rwandaises.Six suspects ont été arrêtés ces dernières 24 heures dans différents lieux de Johannesburg. Tous sont inculpés pour tentative de meurtre. Ils devraient bientôt comparaître devant un tribunal sud-africain.
La police assure poursuivre maintenant son travail d'enquête. Pour l'instant, les inspecteurs ne souhaitent pas communiquer sur l'origine des suspects ou leurs motifs. D'autres arrestations pourraient survenir dans les prochains jours.
En attendant, le général Kayumba, toujours hospitalisé, a été placé sous protection des forces de l'ordre. Selon ses proches, le président Kagamé souhaite la mort de son ancien chef d'état-major et le gouvernement rwandais pourrait à nouveau tenter de l'éliminer.
A Kigali, la ministre des Affaires étrangères a réagi dimanche en rejetant toute implication dans cette affaire. Le général Kayumba a fui en Afrique du Sud en février dernier, après avoir été accusé d'actes terroristes par les autorités. La police, à Johannesburg, avait alors précisé ne pas avoir arrêté l'ex-militaire, actuellement demandeur d'asile, puisqu'il n'existe pas de traité d'extradition entre l'Afrique du Sud et le Rwanda.
***************************************************
Police have arrested six suspects after an exiled Rwandan general accused of grenade attacks in his homeland was shot in South Africa over the weekend, authorities said Monday.
By LESEGO MOTSHEGWA
Associated Press Writer
JOHANNESBURG (AP) - Police have arrested six suspects after an exiled Rwandan general accused of grenade attacks in his homeland was shot in South Africa over the weekend, authorities said Monday.
Lt. General Kayumba Nyamwasa and his wife were returning to the upscale gated community where they live in northern Johannesburg when a lone gunman fired on him Saturday. Rosette Nyamwasa said her husband was shot in the stomach and would recover.
Police spokesman Govindsamy Mariemuthoo would not say whether the suspects arrested were Rwandan, nor would he discuss possible motives in what he described as a murder attempt.
Nyamwasa's wife has accused Rwandan President Paul Kagame of being behind the shooting, a charge the Rwandan government denies.
"The Government of Rwanda does not condone violence, and we wish the family strength and serenity," said government spokeswoman Louise Mushikiwabo. "We trust in the ability of South African authorities to investigate the incident thoroughly."
Nyamwasa and Kagame were once allied but have fallen out, reportedly because Kagame sees his former military chief as a political rival. Nyamwasa came to South Africa earlier this year.
Rwandan officials have accused Nyamwasa of trying to destabilize their government. The Rwandan government says it has linked Nyamwasa to three grenade attacks in Rwanda's capital Feb. 19 that killed one person and wounded 30 others.
South African police said earlier this year they had not arrested Nyamwasa because they do not have an extradition treaty with Rwanda.
Rwandan opposition leader Victoire Ingabire, who wants to challenge Kagame in the Aug. 9 presidential election, said Saturday's shooting was a "planned assassination attempt."
"This incident is a nefarious conspiracy for disruption of peace in Rwanda, a country sinking deeply into a political and military crisis," Ingabire said in a statement. "The lack of political space, the arrest of opposition leaders, lawyers and senior military officers, the use of violence and all kind of intimidation of dissenting voices are obvious signs of a country on the brink of chaos."
Ingabire was arrested in April and charged with promoting a genocidal ideology. She was freed on bail but her passport was seized and she cannot leave Kigali. Critics of Kagame's government argue the ruling party has used the concept of genocide ideology to discredit detractors and defeat political opponents.
Hutu militias killed more than 500,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Rwanda's current president, Paul Kagame, ended the killing when he led a Tutsi-dominated force into the country. Critics say his rule since then has been authoritarian but Kagame argues strict measures are necessary to prevent a repeat of the violence.
The U.S. State Department said in a March report on Rwanda that citizens' rights to change their government are "effectively restricted" and cited limits on freedoms of speech, press and judicial independence.
Nyamwasa's shooting is not the first time Rwanda has been accused of attempting to kill or killing a prominent Rwandan exile.
Former Rwandan Interior Minister Seth Sendashonga was killed in May 1998 in Nairobi, Kenya. His widow later testified that she believed Rwanda was behind her husband's killing. She claimed he had been set to testify before the U.N. International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, which is trying the suspected masterminds of the genocide.
A Kenyan judge acquitted the three suspects in Sendashonga' s killing, saying the prosecution failed to prove beyond reasonable doubt that they committed the crime. The judge went further to say that the Rwandan government's refusal to waive diplomatic immunity for some of its embassy officials suggested that there was a political motive behind the killing.
Monday, June 21, 2010
Kagame said he will kill Kayumba, wife alleges
By Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Posted Monday
Kigali
Ms Rosette Kayumba, wife to renegade military general Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, has accused the Rwandan government of trying to assassinate her husband in South Africa, an allegation Kigali vehemently denied yesterday.
Speaking to the BBC hours after Gen. Nyamwasa was shot at their exile home in Johannesburg, Ms Kayumba said: “[Rwandan President Paul Kagame] said it in parliament that he will actually kill my husband, that wherever he is he will follow him and kill him.”
She said she believed the lone gunman who waylaid them on returning from a shopping errand at around 1p.m. (midday South African time) was a hired hit man since he never demanded for cash or any valuables and shot until the pistol jammed firing.
Yesterday, Ms Louise Mushikiwabo, Rwanda’s Foreign Affairs minister and government spokesperson, said by phone from Kigali that the allegations are “preposterous”. “This [assassination of opponents] is not something President Kagame does. He’s a man of integrity,” she said.
Mr Kagame, she said, is a leader who “demands accountability from all persons”, Gen. Nyamwasa inclusive - although he chose to flee. “If you want accountability from someone, you don’t kill them; you allow them an opportunity for explanation or to justify their case,” Ms Mushikiwabo said. Gen. Nyamwasa, who until his escape in late February was Rwanda’s ambassador to India, fled to exile, alleging he was being hounded by the government on fabricated charges.
Investigations on
Authorities in Kigali have in the past been guarded about Gen. Nyamwasa’s alleged crime, but minister Mushikiwabo yesterday said the general is being investigated for his “involvement with elements that were involved with the insecurity - throwing of grenades - in Kigali.”
Sixteen people were, in March this year, injured in two almost-simultaneous grenade explosions, one at a car-washing bay and the other at a bus station in a wealthy Kigali suburb.
Earlier, two people died and several others were wounded when a grenade exploded on them on February 19. President Kagame told Daily Monitor in an interview published in May, that Gen. Nyamwasa, a former Chief of Staff of Rwanda’s Defence Forces, had promoted divisions in the army and fled to avoid “accountability”. He said: “People like Kayumba or [ex-Intelligence chief Patrick] Karegeya or others who flee the country will always say whatever they want to say in an attempt to absolve themselves from any responsibility.” “I think for them to escape - already there is a responsibility they are escaping or fleeing from.”
In a rejoinder emailed to this newspaper a week later, Gen. Kayumba denied the accusations levelled against him and instead made several allegations of his own against President Kagame and the Rwanda Patriotic Front government. “President Kagame is not honest when he alleges that we ran away from accountability. [Our] disagreements [are] centred on governance, tolerance, insensitivity, intrigue and betrayal of our colleagues,” he wrote.
Uganda sympathises
And he added: “Accountability should begin from the top; beginning with the President before he demands accountability from his subordinates.” Gen. Nyamwasa, an alumnus of Makerere University and Mbarara High School in Uganda, first enlisted, in 1984, as a member of the then Yoweri Museveni-led successful National Resistance Army military campaign.
He later joined the RPF, led by Mr Kagame, serving it as the military intelligence chief – but all the while maintained close working relation with the UPDF and headed investigations into the Kisangani clashes between Ugandan and Rwandan armies during the 1997-2003 war in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The Ugandan military yesterday joined sympathisers from around the world to commiserate with the Nyamwasa family. “Humanly speaking, his shooting is unfortunate,” said Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, the defence and military spokesman. “I believe any person deserves [to enjoy] the right to life unless deprived of it by a court of law. We hope the criminals will be apprehended.”
It is understood that after serving in various senior positions, Gen. Nyamwasa’s relation with President Kagame soured over accusations and counter-accusations of unexplained riches, insubordination and dictatorship.
In 2001, Gen. Kagame fired the general as the military chief and replaced him with his counterpart James Kabarebe. The President, in November 2002, however, warmed up to Gen. Nyamwasa re-deploying him as Head of Security Services and later Rwanda’s ambassador to India until he escaped four months ago, citing threats to his life. The renegade reportedly fled through Uganda and Kenya, stirring diplomatic nightmare among the East African neighbours, before settling in South Africa where he is seeking asylum - that appears likely.
In accounts offered to the British public broadcaster, the BBC, about the Saturday shooting incident, Ms Rosette Nyamwasa said a man they did not know approached as if to speak to them just as they drove in their Johannesburg suburban home.
The account
“[The gunman] spoke to my driver, but he wanted space to be able to shoot my husband,” she said. “Then when my husband bent, he shot. And fortunately, it went into the stomach and not in the head... My husband got out immediately... And he grabbed the gun. In that kind of scuffle, the guy couldn’t cock the gun.”
The Rwandan Foreign Ministry says the charges are “ridiculous and far-fetched” but the general’s wife could have made them either because she is “distraught or upset”. “We feel for the Nyamwasa family,” Ms Mushikiwabo said, “Anyone interested in [knowing the cause and motive of the gun attack] should allow the South African government to investigate and report.”
The minister said Rwandan prosecutors have offered incriminating evidence and she has engaged her South African counterpart to persuade authorities there to arrest and extradite Gen. Nyamwasa. “We hope he recovers soon so that we can pursue that line,” said Ms Mushikiwabo.
By midday yesterday, Rwanda said the only information they had about the shooting of Gen. Nyamwasa was through the media and the South African government was yet to formally notify them.
Posted Monday
Kigali
Ms Rosette Kayumba, wife to renegade military general Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, has accused the Rwandan government of trying to assassinate her husband in South Africa, an allegation Kigali vehemently denied yesterday.
Speaking to the BBC hours after Gen. Nyamwasa was shot at their exile home in Johannesburg, Ms Kayumba said: “[Rwandan President Paul Kagame] said it in parliament that he will actually kill my husband, that wherever he is he will follow him and kill him.”
She said she believed the lone gunman who waylaid them on returning from a shopping errand at around 1p.m. (midday South African time) was a hired hit man since he never demanded for cash or any valuables and shot until the pistol jammed firing.
Yesterday, Ms Louise Mushikiwabo, Rwanda’s Foreign Affairs minister and government spokesperson, said by phone from Kigali that the allegations are “preposterous”. “This [assassination of opponents] is not something President Kagame does. He’s a man of integrity,” she said.
Mr Kagame, she said, is a leader who “demands accountability from all persons”, Gen. Nyamwasa inclusive - although he chose to flee. “If you want accountability from someone, you don’t kill them; you allow them an opportunity for explanation or to justify their case,” Ms Mushikiwabo said. Gen. Nyamwasa, who until his escape in late February was Rwanda’s ambassador to India, fled to exile, alleging he was being hounded by the government on fabricated charges.
Investigations on
Authorities in Kigali have in the past been guarded about Gen. Nyamwasa’s alleged crime, but minister Mushikiwabo yesterday said the general is being investigated for his “involvement with elements that were involved with the insecurity - throwing of grenades - in Kigali.”
Sixteen people were, in March this year, injured in two almost-simultaneous grenade explosions, one at a car-washing bay and the other at a bus station in a wealthy Kigali suburb.
Earlier, two people died and several others were wounded when a grenade exploded on them on February 19. President Kagame told Daily Monitor in an interview published in May, that Gen. Nyamwasa, a former Chief of Staff of Rwanda’s Defence Forces, had promoted divisions in the army and fled to avoid “accountability”. He said: “People like Kayumba or [ex-Intelligence chief Patrick] Karegeya or others who flee the country will always say whatever they want to say in an attempt to absolve themselves from any responsibility.” “I think for them to escape - already there is a responsibility they are escaping or fleeing from.”
In a rejoinder emailed to this newspaper a week later, Gen. Kayumba denied the accusations levelled against him and instead made several allegations of his own against President Kagame and the Rwanda Patriotic Front government. “President Kagame is not honest when he alleges that we ran away from accountability. [Our] disagreements [are] centred on governance, tolerance, insensitivity, intrigue and betrayal of our colleagues,” he wrote.
Uganda sympathises
And he added: “Accountability should begin from the top; beginning with the President before he demands accountability from his subordinates.” Gen. Nyamwasa, an alumnus of Makerere University and Mbarara High School in Uganda, first enlisted, in 1984, as a member of the then Yoweri Museveni-led successful National Resistance Army military campaign.
He later joined the RPF, led by Mr Kagame, serving it as the military intelligence chief – but all the while maintained close working relation with the UPDF and headed investigations into the Kisangani clashes between Ugandan and Rwandan armies during the 1997-2003 war in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The Ugandan military yesterday joined sympathisers from around the world to commiserate with the Nyamwasa family. “Humanly speaking, his shooting is unfortunate,” said Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, the defence and military spokesman. “I believe any person deserves [to enjoy] the right to life unless deprived of it by a court of law. We hope the criminals will be apprehended.”
It is understood that after serving in various senior positions, Gen. Nyamwasa’s relation with President Kagame soured over accusations and counter-accusations of unexplained riches, insubordination and dictatorship.
In 2001, Gen. Kagame fired the general as the military chief and replaced him with his counterpart James Kabarebe. The President, in November 2002, however, warmed up to Gen. Nyamwasa re-deploying him as Head of Security Services and later Rwanda’s ambassador to India until he escaped four months ago, citing threats to his life. The renegade reportedly fled through Uganda and Kenya, stirring diplomatic nightmare among the East African neighbours, before settling in South Africa where he is seeking asylum - that appears likely.
In accounts offered to the British public broadcaster, the BBC, about the Saturday shooting incident, Ms Rosette Nyamwasa said a man they did not know approached as if to speak to them just as they drove in their Johannesburg suburban home.
The account
“[The gunman] spoke to my driver, but he wanted space to be able to shoot my husband,” she said. “Then when my husband bent, he shot. And fortunately, it went into the stomach and not in the head... My husband got out immediately... And he grabbed the gun. In that kind of scuffle, the guy couldn’t cock the gun.”
The Rwandan Foreign Ministry says the charges are “ridiculous and far-fetched” but the general’s wife could have made them either because she is “distraught or upset”. “We feel for the Nyamwasa family,” Ms Mushikiwabo said, “Anyone interested in [knowing the cause and motive of the gun attack] should allow the South African government to investigate and report.”
The minister said Rwandan prosecutors have offered incriminating evidence and she has engaged her South African counterpart to persuade authorities there to arrest and extradite Gen. Nyamwasa. “We hope he recovers soon so that we can pursue that line,” said Ms Mushikiwabo.
By midday yesterday, Rwanda said the only information they had about the shooting of Gen. Nyamwasa was through the media and the South African government was yet to formally notify them.
Kayumba shooting - the inside story
By Emmanuel Mungwarakarama
Posted Monday, June 21 2010 at 00:00
Daily Monitor’s Managing Editor, Daniel K. Kalinaki, who is on holiday in South Africa, was the first journalist to see Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa after he was shot in Johannesburg on Saturday. He chronicles the events before, during, and after the shooting as told to him by eyewitnesses.
Johannesburg
Saturday, June 19 was an ordinary day in the Kayumba household but it would turn out to be a day to remember for the family. Gen. Nyamwasa and his wife Rosette had gone out shopping with their driver. At around midday, they drove back to the apartment block in Melrose Arch, a posh neighbourhood in Johannesburg that has been home for the family since fleeing into exile a couple of months ago.
As in most residential areas in Johannesburg, the apartment block, which has at least 12 other families, has a fence, a gate, and 24-hour guards. When the Kayumbas arrived at the house in their black BMW X3 the guards, who are at the house 24 hours, opened the gate.
Stranger appears
As they drove in, an unidentified man ran behind the car and knocked on the driver’s window. Surprised, the driver stopped and rolled down the window. When the window was halfway down, the man suddenly drew a pistol and fired at Gen. Kayumba, who was in the front passenger seat. The bullet struck Gen. Kayumba in the stomach, just below the lungs.
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Kagame said he will kill Kayumba, wife alleges
The gunman then went round the car to the passenger side where Gen. Kayumba was. As the gunman came around the car, Gen. Kayumba opened the door to confront him and try to disarm him. The general reached for the pistol and tried to wrestle it out of the gunman’s grip. As they fought for the gun, the gunman fired another shot, which glazed Gen. Kayumba’s finger.
With Kayumba rapidly losing strength, the gunman then pulled the trigger again but the pistol jammed. He tried again without success. Gen. Kayumba’s legs gave away and he collapsed in a pool of blood. By this time the driver had come around and also tried to wrestle the gun from the gunman.
An eyewitness who spoke to Daily Monitor said the gunman, speaking in Kiswahili, told the driver to leave him alone, warning that he would kill him if he did not let him be. Seeing that the gun had jammed and the fracas was attracting attention in the area, the gunman then ran back outside, jumped into a waiting car, which then sped off. Throughout all this time, the guards at the apartment block were nowhere to be seen. They would later reappear and claim that they had ducked for their own safety.
Kayumba rushed to hospital
Upstairs in the Kayumba household, the general’s two teenage children were watching television. They were shocked out of their fantasy world when they heard screaming – probably from their mother – and dashed outside to find their father lying in a pool of blood.
With the help of a couple of neighbours, Rosette and her children helped Gen. Kayumba into the car and sped him off to Morningside Clinic, about 10 minutes away, in Sandton, where he was immediately put on a respirator while doctors worked furiously to stop the bleeding.
When this newspaper arrived at the hospital, Gen. Kayumba’s son, Mark, his jacket covered in blood, stood protectively over his father. Moments earlier he’d smashed a glass door in a combination of anger, frustration and, quite possibly, teenage adrenaline. His sister stood next to him, her big eyes starring ahead blankly, as if asking for answers.
Robber or assassin?
As relatives, friends and other Rwandans living in Johannesburg started trickling into the hospital, so did the rumours and the speculation of who might have done it. Johannesburg has one of the highest crime rates in the world. Carjacking and robbery are widespread, as is murder.
Yet the gunman who shot Kayumba did not ask for the keys to the Beemer neither did he take anything. His decision to go round the car and try to shoot Gen. Kayumba again suggests that he was a man with a license – or call it mission – to kill. As expected, many eyes have turned to Rwanda.
In an interview with the BBC, Rosette Nyamwasa accused President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, who her husband fell out with, of having a hand in the shooting. “[Mr Kagame] said it in parliament that he will actually kill my husband, that wherever he is he will follow him and kill him,” she told the BBC. But Louise Mushikiwabo, Rwanda’s Foreign minister, issued a statement in which she said Mr Kagame’s government “does not condone violence”.
Sources in the South African police, who spoke anonymously in order not to jeopardise an on-going investigation, told Daily Monitor that they are “keeping all options open” on whether it was “an assassination attempt”. By press time yesterday, doctors in Morningside said Gen. Kayumba was in a stable condition, despite the bullet that struck him still being lodged in his body. Doctors will decide later on whether to remove it or not.
It will be several weeks, even months, before an official report is issued over the shooting but according to many visitors to the Morningside Clinic, the bullet that struck Gen. Kayumba was not fired by a robber but by a would-be assassin.
Who is Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa?
•Born in 1960s.
•Obtained a Bachelor’s degree from Makerere University (in 1980s) after taking A-level examinations at Mbarara High School in western Uganda.
He was a resident of Lumumba Hall while at the university.
•In 1984, he joined the National Resistance Army rebel group, then headed by President Museveni, and later the Rwanda Patriotic Army/Front that took over government after the 1994 Rwanda genocide.
•Gen. Nyamwasa headed RPF’s military intelligence during its bush days and was later named the army Chief of Staff.
•In 2001, he was sacked as the military chief and replaced with Gen. James Kabarebe. The general was, in November 2002, re-deployed as Head of Security Services.
•A couple of years later, Gen. Nyamwasa was appointed Rwanda’s High Commissioner to India. Early this year, he fled from Kigali during a government retreat in Rubavu.
The Rwandan government immediately stripped him of diplomatic immunity after the defection that stirred suspicion with neighbours.
Compiled by Tabu Butagira from online sources
Posted Monday, June 21 2010 at 00:00
Daily Monitor’s Managing Editor, Daniel K. Kalinaki, who is on holiday in South Africa, was the first journalist to see Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa after he was shot in Johannesburg on Saturday. He chronicles the events before, during, and after the shooting as told to him by eyewitnesses.
Johannesburg
Saturday, June 19 was an ordinary day in the Kayumba household but it would turn out to be a day to remember for the family. Gen. Nyamwasa and his wife Rosette had gone out shopping with their driver. At around midday, they drove back to the apartment block in Melrose Arch, a posh neighbourhood in Johannesburg that has been home for the family since fleeing into exile a couple of months ago.
As in most residential areas in Johannesburg, the apartment block, which has at least 12 other families, has a fence, a gate, and 24-hour guards. When the Kayumbas arrived at the house in their black BMW X3 the guards, who are at the house 24 hours, opened the gate.
Stranger appears
As they drove in, an unidentified man ran behind the car and knocked on the driver’s window. Surprised, the driver stopped and rolled down the window. When the window was halfway down, the man suddenly drew a pistol and fired at Gen. Kayumba, who was in the front passenger seat. The bullet struck Gen. Kayumba in the stomach, just below the lungs.
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The gunman then went round the car to the passenger side where Gen. Kayumba was. As the gunman came around the car, Gen. Kayumba opened the door to confront him and try to disarm him. The general reached for the pistol and tried to wrestle it out of the gunman’s grip. As they fought for the gun, the gunman fired another shot, which glazed Gen. Kayumba’s finger.
With Kayumba rapidly losing strength, the gunman then pulled the trigger again but the pistol jammed. He tried again without success. Gen. Kayumba’s legs gave away and he collapsed in a pool of blood. By this time the driver had come around and also tried to wrestle the gun from the gunman.
An eyewitness who spoke to Daily Monitor said the gunman, speaking in Kiswahili, told the driver to leave him alone, warning that he would kill him if he did not let him be. Seeing that the gun had jammed and the fracas was attracting attention in the area, the gunman then ran back outside, jumped into a waiting car, which then sped off. Throughout all this time, the guards at the apartment block were nowhere to be seen. They would later reappear and claim that they had ducked for their own safety.
Kayumba rushed to hospital
Upstairs in the Kayumba household, the general’s two teenage children were watching television. They were shocked out of their fantasy world when they heard screaming – probably from their mother – and dashed outside to find their father lying in a pool of blood.
With the help of a couple of neighbours, Rosette and her children helped Gen. Kayumba into the car and sped him off to Morningside Clinic, about 10 minutes away, in Sandton, where he was immediately put on a respirator while doctors worked furiously to stop the bleeding.
When this newspaper arrived at the hospital, Gen. Kayumba’s son, Mark, his jacket covered in blood, stood protectively over his father. Moments earlier he’d smashed a glass door in a combination of anger, frustration and, quite possibly, teenage adrenaline. His sister stood next to him, her big eyes starring ahead blankly, as if asking for answers.
Robber or assassin?
As relatives, friends and other Rwandans living in Johannesburg started trickling into the hospital, so did the rumours and the speculation of who might have done it. Johannesburg has one of the highest crime rates in the world. Carjacking and robbery are widespread, as is murder.
Yet the gunman who shot Kayumba did not ask for the keys to the Beemer neither did he take anything. His decision to go round the car and try to shoot Gen. Kayumba again suggests that he was a man with a license – or call it mission – to kill. As expected, many eyes have turned to Rwanda.
In an interview with the BBC, Rosette Nyamwasa accused President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, who her husband fell out with, of having a hand in the shooting. “[Mr Kagame] said it in parliament that he will actually kill my husband, that wherever he is he will follow him and kill him,” she told the BBC. But Louise Mushikiwabo, Rwanda’s Foreign minister, issued a statement in which she said Mr Kagame’s government “does not condone violence”.
Sources in the South African police, who spoke anonymously in order not to jeopardise an on-going investigation, told Daily Monitor that they are “keeping all options open” on whether it was “an assassination attempt”. By press time yesterday, doctors in Morningside said Gen. Kayumba was in a stable condition, despite the bullet that struck him still being lodged in his body. Doctors will decide later on whether to remove it or not.
It will be several weeks, even months, before an official report is issued over the shooting but according to many visitors to the Morningside Clinic, the bullet that struck Gen. Kayumba was not fired by a robber but by a would-be assassin.
Who is Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa?
•Born in 1960s.
•Obtained a Bachelor’s degree from Makerere University (in 1980s) after taking A-level examinations at Mbarara High School in western Uganda.
He was a resident of Lumumba Hall while at the university.
•In 1984, he joined the National Resistance Army rebel group, then headed by President Museveni, and later the Rwanda Patriotic Army/Front that took over government after the 1994 Rwanda genocide.
•Gen. Nyamwasa headed RPF’s military intelligence during its bush days and was later named the army Chief of Staff.
•In 2001, he was sacked as the military chief and replaced with Gen. James Kabarebe. The general was, in November 2002, re-deployed as Head of Security Services.
•A couple of years later, Gen. Nyamwasa was appointed Rwanda’s High Commissioner to India. Early this year, he fled from Kigali during a government retreat in Rubavu.
The Rwandan government immediately stripped him of diplomatic immunity after the defection that stirred suspicion with neighbours.
Compiled by Tabu Butagira from online sources
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